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University Honors Theses University Honors College
5-22-2020
The Representation of Rape and Sexual Assault The Representation of Rape and Sexual Assault
Within News Media Within News Media
Katherine E. Layman
Portland State University
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Layman, Katherine E., "The Representation of Rape and Sexual Assault Within News Media" (2020).
University Honors Theses.
Paper 851.
https://doi.org/10.15760/honors.872
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1
The Representation of Rape and Sexual Assault Within News Media
By
Katherine E. Layman
An undergraduate honors thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the
requirements for the degree of
Bachelor of Arts
in
University Honors
and
Communications
Thesis Adviser
Lee Shaker, PhD
Portland State University
2020
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Approximately every 73 seconds, someone is sexually assaulted in the United States
(RAINN,2019). Rape and sexual assault are serious crimes and as such, they deserve to be
accurately represented within the media. News media can reach a large number of people in a
relatively short amount of time. The internet and social media dramatically expand that reach by
creating platforms to share news articles all over the world. The public relies on journalists to be
credible and honest in their reporting. However, the presence of rape myths, stereotypes, victim
blaming and improper terminology within media coverage perpetuates the spread of
misinformation about sexual violence.
The New York Times is a primary news source for millions of people globally, including those
who make and enforce laws. Additionally, subscribers to The New York Times are not the only
ones affected by the news it produces. As a well-known and reputable publication, The New York
Times sets an example for other newspapers (Graber, 2018). Consequently, other news
organizations may frame their own stories based on the information found in articles originally
from New York Times (Graber, 2018). At a time when the integrity of the news industry is
constantly being called into question, it is essential that leaders such as The New York Times resist
sensationalism and remain objective in their reporting.
Through a content analysis of New York Times articles during three time periods over the past
four decades, I examine how the framing of rape and sexual assault has changed from 1980 to
2020. I first selected my data set by searching the New York Times archives in ProQuest for articles
about rape (or) sexual assault. I then narrowed the sample size by selecting random articles within
three distinct time periods that mark significant societal changes regarding rape and sexual assault.
The findings of this study show that news media coverage has changed in many ways that
demonstrate a more comprehensive understanding of sexual violence. However, victim blaming
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attitudes within the New York Times had increased over time, despite an increase in public
awareness and knowledge about rape and sexual assault.
To better understand why accurate representation about rape and sexual assault is so
important, we first need to examine the different power structures involved, what rape myths and
stereotypes are, and the influential role that mass media framing plays in shaping public discourse.
Keywords: Rape, Sexual Assault, News Media, Framing, Rape Myths, Stereotypes and Victim
Blaming
*Note: This thesis uses the term ‘victim’ in place of ‘survivor’ for two main reasons (1) the
connotation of the word survivor implies that the victim’s life was at risk- which is not the legal
criteria for an assault to count as rape or sexual assault and (2) not all victims survive being
attacked.
News Media and Mass Communication
The public depends on news organizations to give them vital information and to stay connected
to the world at large (Lasswell, 1948). Three key functions of news media are: surveillance,
interpretation and socialization (Lasswell, 1948; Graber, 2018)
Surveillance: News media keeps a close watch on events within society to bring awareness and
provide facts to inform the public on a variety of local, national and international subjects
(Lasswell, 1948). The news also provides a platform for experts to deliver a summary of details or
guidance about subjects that the average person may have little knowledge about.
Interpretation: News organizations decide which pieces of news to produce. In doing so,
journalists oftentimes report more than just factual data, they also analyze that information to
provide context and meaning for the general public (Graber, 2018).
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Socialization: Social psychologists define socialization as the process by which people learn
cultural and social norms, acceptable behavior and their role within society. News media plays a
critical role in presenting and reinforcing ideas and social behaviors that prompt imitation (Prot,
Anderson, Gentile, Warburton, Saleem, Groves & Brown, 2015; Graber, 2018)
The public’s reliance upon news media to perform these functions gives journalists
tremendous power in influencing the audience's perceptions of the world around them (Lakoff,
2010). On a large scale, this power manifests as the news media’s ability to help sway the passage
of legislation by bringing awareness to an issue and by putting pressure on lawmakers to act
(Lakoff, 2010). A positive example of this was the overwhelming national media coverage of the
1994 assault and murder of seven-year old Megan Kanka. This media attention sparked public
outcry that helped to enact the federal policy informally known as “Megan’s Law”, which required
the information on the law enforcement sex offender registry to become public (Levenson, J. &
D'Amora, D. 2007). News media framed the coverage of Megan Kanka’s story to connect this
singular horrific event to a larger societal problem that called for legislative action. However, there
might not have been the same governmental intervention if the majority of journalists had
presented her story from a different angle.
Framing Theory: How Stories Are Told and Interpreted
Framing is a fundamental aspect of communication and processing (Griffin, 2014). Our biases,
needs and experiences shape the way that we communicate with others and relate to the world
around us (Lakoff, 2010). In framing, the interpretation of a message depends on how the narrative
is presented (Jennings, Thompson & Finklea, 2012). Our minds instinctively filter out or link
together information on a daily basis (Lakoff, 2010). The information that we consume is stored
systemically and when certain frames are employed, all knowledge connected to a subject becomes
5
activated. This brings the information to the forefront of our recall (Lakoff, 2010). These frames
activate schemas or the system by which our mind categorizes and stores the information (Griffin,
2014). Since our brains rely on existing frame categories to file the information we receive, new
input that contradicts the knowledge we already have is more difficult to process as the new data
does not connect to the current framework (Lakoff, 2010).
Semantic Framing: It’s Not What You Say but How You Say It
Semantic framing refers to the specific words or rhetoric [a journalist] choses to describe a
story to influence or persuade people (Hallahan, 1999). In the context of media reporting on rape
or sexual assault, the word accuser can invoke a less sympathetic reaction than the word victim
(Katz, 2015). Vague or euphemistic terms such as, non-consensual sex sound less harsh than the
term rape and can diminish the perceived severity of the crime (Bavelas & Coates, 2001. Rape is
defined by the Federal Department of Justice as, "Penetration, no matter how slight, of the vagina
or anus with any body part or object, or oral penetration by a sex organ of another person, without
the consent of the victim." (US Department of Justice, 2020). Therefore, under the state and federal
definitions, sex without consent is rape and should be addressed as such. Passive Sentences such
as ‘she was sexually assaulted’ or ‘the rape occurred’ can effectively remove the perpetrator from
the conversation altogether (Henley, Miller, & Beazley, 1995). Words that normally have a
different definition can adhere to previously stored information about one meaning that does not
necessarily fit the occurrence at hand. For example, verbs such as sex, caressed or fondled, are
usually associated with pleasurable or consensual acts (Bavelas & Coates, 2001). Consequently,
when journalists use these verbs to describe a rape or sexual assault it can lessen the connection to
violence or abuse (Bavelas & Coates, 2001).
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News media convey stories in episodic or thematic frames. An episodic frame focuses on an
isolated incident where a thematic frame places the incident within a broader context (Iyengar,
1990). These frames can influence the public’s perception of who is at fault and what should be
done about problems in terms of individual and societal responsibility (Iyengar, 1990). Episodic
frames usually generate more sympathy from audiences due to the concentration on individual
stories or events (Gross, 2008). In contrast, thematic frames tend to offer more statistical data
which can appear more clinical rather than emotional (Gross, 2008). The thematic framing of
sexual violence can address a wide range of problems and solutions that can affect society as a
whole. However, episodic framing of rape and sexual assault can decrease the perception
connection to a larger systemic problem (Brossoi, Roberto & Barrow, 2012).
Sexual Violence is Systemic and Cultural
Systemic or institutionalized sexism is the stereotyping, prejudice and discrimination against
women and girls on the basis of sex, that institutionally benefits men (Capodilupo, 2019). While
gender-based discrimination can individually affect anyone, it differs from systemic sexism when
there is no institutional oppression involved. Institutional oppression refers to the discriminatory
practices of societal institutions such as governmental agencies and policies (laws, military, justice
system and law enforcement), corporations (workplaces), financial institutions and public
institutions such as schools and healthcare organizations (Capodilupo, 2019). Women as a whole
have never had more rights, power of control than men. When an entire societal structure is
designed to reinforce the idea that women are second-class citizens it creates a communal disregard
for the exploitation of women. This collective consciousness is otherwise known as rape culture.
Rape culture is the term for a shared belief system amongst society that normalizes and
justifies the sexual abuse and violence against women and girls (Herman, 1994). Rape culture
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influences the way that society as a whole talk about rape and sexual assault (Herman, 1994).
Sexism and rape culture are maintained by the objectification and sexualization of women’s and
girl’s bodies, use of misogynistic language, victim blaming and violence against women as a form
of entertainment in film and music (Herman,1994). Over time, societal norms, attitudes, definitions
and public policies about rape and sexual assault have changed to display a greater comprehension
of these crimes. For example, the rape of a spouse (marital rape) was not even considered a crime
in all 50 states until 1993 (National Center for Victims of Crime, 2004). Even though a majority
of people personally find discrimination or violence against women to be abhorrent, they may still
unintentionally perpetuate rape culture. Resulting from how commonplace rape culture practices
and misconceptions are, that most people are unaware of them (Burt, 1980). Through historical
social context, sexism has become ingrained within our culture (Burt, 1980). As a result, the
existing frames many people may have stored about topics such as rape or sexual assault could
stem from misinformation seen through the lens of this oppressive framework.
The US Department of Justice (DOJ) reports that rape and sexual assault are the most under
reported and under prosecuted crimes. Yet, one in six boys and one in four girls will be victims of
sexual abuse before they are 18 years old (Finkelhor, Shattuck,Turner & Hamby,1990). A 2010
study conducted by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), National Center for
Injury Prevention and Control (NCIPC) found that one in five women, one in seventy-one men
will be raped at some point in their lives. The Office for Victims of Crime (OVC) reports that one
out of two transgender individuals will be sexually assaulted during their lifetime. Meaning that,
statistically, a large portion of media consumers are or will be victims of sexual violence in their
lifetime. The Canadian Resource Center for Victims of Crimes (2020) states, “Media coverage can
8
re-victimize victims, especially if overly sensational or inaccurate. It can reinforce misconceptions
and myths about crime victims.”
Rape Myths, Stereotypes and Victim Blaming
Rape Myths are “prejudicial, stereotyped or false beliefs about rape, rape victims, and rapists”
that create a “climate hostile to rape victims” (Burt, 1980, p. 217). Myths and stereotypes include
ideas such as: rape is about sexual arousal, all rapists are male, men cannot be raped, prostitutes
cannot be sexually assaulted, or that the victim was careless in preventing the assault.
The main outcome of rape myths is the shift in blame from the perpetrator and onto the victim
(Suarez & Gadalla, 2010). Believing that a woman was asking to be raped or should have expected
to be attacked because of her sexual history, alcohol consumption, actions, or because of how she
was dressed are all examples of rape myths that perpetuate victim blaming beliefs. One rationale
responsible for victim blaming is that people want to believe in a fair and just world where
victimization is predictable and therefore avoidable (Lerner, 1980). This just-world belief
reinforces the idea that what goes around, comes around and bad things happen to bad people. This
may neutralize the fear of random crime. However, this belief reinforces the notion that the victim
is in some way deserving of the assault (Lerner, 1980).
Acceptance of rape myths can have serious consequences within the criminal justice system
as well. Perpetrators of sexual violence are the least likely to be incarcerated compared to all other
types of criminals (RAINN, 2019). When journalists repeatedly frame perpetrators as monstrous
or somehow distinguishable from the average person it can give the false impression that
perpetrators are easy to spot and can make a jury skeptical when the person accused of rape or
sexual assault does not fit this stereotype (O’Hara, 2012). Out of every 1000 rapes only 9 will ever
be referred to a prosecutor and only 5 rapists will be convicted (RAINN, 2017). Rape myths can
9
also impact how likely jurors are to believe victims and can affect their decision-making process
at trial (Dinos, Burrowes, Hammond & Cunliffe, 2015). Especially when the person who was
assaulted does not seem like the ideal victim (Christie, N. 1986). The myth of the ideal victim is
the misconception that the only victims deserving of empathy or support are pure, defenseless or
virginal while victims who do not fit this dichotomy may have contributed to their own
victimization (Howard, 1984; Christie, 1986; DiBennardo, 2018).
Sexual violence is a complex matter with a wide range of victims, perpetrators and
circumstances. Yet, if the media focuses too intently on uncommon rape cases, it gives a distorted
sense of how frequently these types of rapes occur and who is at risk (DiBennardo, 2018; Graber,
1977). This can also divert the conversation away from sexual assaults that do not resemble the
ones represented within media coverage. For example, the majority of rapes (8 out of 10) are
committed by an assailant who is known to the victim (RAINN, 2019) but if the news mainly
covers rapes that are committed by strangers it can give the impression that stranger rape is more
common than acquaintance rape-which is inaccurate.
Methodology
To conduct this content analysis, I identified relevant articles in The New York Times through
the ProQuest database. I gathered a broad initial sample by searching with the keywords rape (or)
sexual assault to find articles that contained either of these words. That search returned 72,486
results. I refined the search to only contain newspaper articles and that search yielded 36,023
articles containing the keywords. I then narrowed the search further by using the filter “sex crimes”
which gave me a total of 8,232 articles. I then broke the search into 3 distinct time periods- 1980-
1984 (total of 375 articles); 1993-1997 (total of 122 articles); 2016-2020 (total of 738 articles). I
10
coded a total 150 articles, separated into 50 articles taken from each time period and randomized
by using an integer set generator from Random.org. I also chose to exclude Op-eds since these are
not done by the newspaper and it is stated that the views therein do not necessarily reflect the views
of the New York Times. It is also important to note that due to the nature of my thesis as an
independent paper, time constraints and conducting research during a global pandemic, I did not
have a second coder.
The importance of the specific time periods is that they each coincide with a noticeable
cultural shift in society regarding sexual violence. The first sample will be taken from between
1980 to 1984 to get a sense of the coverage in this time and provide a baseline to work from and
to include the federal passage of the Sexual Assault Act (1984). The second data set will be taken
from the timeframe of 1993 to 1997 due to the significant legislative changes regarding rape and
sexual assault that were made during this time such as, Megan’s Law (1994), Marital Rape Laws
are present is all states (1993) and the Violence Against Women Act (1994). The final set will be
taken from 2016 to present to encompass the viral expansion of the 2006 #MeToo movement
(2017) and #WhyIDidntReport (2018), the expiration of the Violence Against Women Act (2018),
the Kavanaugh hearing (2018) as well as Harvey Weinstein’s and Jeffery Epstein’s arrests (2017
and 2019 respectively). Another function of this last data set is to provide the most recent
conversations about rape and sexual assault within The New York Times.
The coding method are broken down into 4 main categories with subcategories in each:
(1) Presence of rape myths and/or stereotypes within an article.
If the article contains references about:
• the victims clothing
• the victim’s behavior before the assault (described as atypical, risky, flirty or provocative)
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• alcohol or drug consumption of victim
• “Atypical” perpetrator- anyone who does not fit the stereotypical male, stranger with a
weapon
• stranger vs acquaintance rapes
• use of a weapon (only 11% of perpetrators use a weapon)
(2) Who is quoted first within the article:
• Law enforcement
• Advocates
• Experts
• Family/friends/neighbors
• Victims
• Witnesses
• Lawyers/Prosecutors
• Judges
• Defendants
(3) Whether the article is framed as episodic, thematic or both
Episodic- Focused on one incident- or multiple assaults done by the same person(s) with no
reference to larger systemic connection
Thematic- Rape or sexual assault statistics, prevention and/or connections to rape culture or sexism
or societal institutions.
(4) Semantic Frames:
Use of the word accuser in place of the word victim
The presence of consensual sexual language in place of violent terminology
• fondled, caressed, kissed, sex, performed, oral sex, engaged in
Euphemistic language
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• nonconsensual sex
• underage woman- there is no such thing, a female who is underage is not a woman
• abusive relationship- people are abusive, not relationships
• underage prostitute/sex worker-underage means a child/minor and a child/minor cannot
legally consent to sex
The use of passive voice to describe the assault
• She was sexually assaulted
• The rape occurred /The rape happened at…
Results
Rape Myths and Stereotypes
1980-84
1993-97
2016-20
Weapon
25
14
2
Stranger
25
17
10
Multiple perps
7
5
5
Victim drinking
0
4
8
Vic. blaming
0
6
11
"atypical" perp
0
3
8
Who Is Quoted First In The Article
1980-84
1993-97
2016-20
Police
11
17
3
Lawyers
4
6
14
Judges
1
1
4
Victim
3
1
6
Advocate
3
2
3
Family/friends
0
3
3
Experts
2
0
5
13
Community member
3
5
3
Defendant
1
2
3
Witness
1
1
0
Government official
0
5
0
Episodic and Thematic Frames
1980-84
1993-97
2016-20
Episodic
44
44
19
Thematic
1
1
8
both E/T
6
6
23
Semantic Framing
1980-84
1993-97
2016-20
Passive voice
9
7
4
Accuser
0
2
10
Consensual sexual lang.
2
10
5
Euphemisms
1
0
1
The Number of Articles That Mentioned a Victim’s Gender
Female Victim
148
Male victim
2
TGQN
0
* TGQN is an acronym for Transgender, Gender Queer and Gender-Nonconforming individuals
The Number of Articles That Mentioned a Perpetrator’s Gender
Female
1
Male
150
TGQN
0
* All 150 articles contained stories of male perpetrators and one article included two stories,
where one was about a female perpetrator.
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(1) Presence of rape myths and/or stereotypes
In total, 78% of articles were about stranger rapes. However, rapes and sexual assaults
perpetrated by a stranger only constitute 19.5% of actual rape cases and when the victim is a
minor, the percentage of rapes committed by a stranger decrease to only 7% (RAINN, 2019).
Overall, 61.5% of articles mentioned the use of a weapon by the perpetrator. This stands in stark
contrast to the reality of the majority of rape and sexual assaults, where a weapon is present in
only 11% of attacks (RAINN, 2019). Out of 150 articles, 25.5% involved rape cases where there
were multiple assailants, yet the real percentage of rapes committed by 2 or more people is less
than 6% (RAINN, 2019). The over representation of these types of assaults gives the impression
that stranger rape and assaults that involve a weapon or multiple perpetrators occur more
frequently than they actually do. Disproportionate media coverage of uncommon sexual assaults
reinforces rape myths that narrowly define what rape is and who perpetrators are.
Consequently, many victims are reluctant to call what was done to them ‘rape’ because
their experience does not resemble the stereotypical rape script of a stranger who jumps out from
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behind bushes or in an alley wielding a gun or a knife. A rape script is an individual’s idea or belief
of what normally happens during a rape (Peterson & Muehlenhard, 2004). Dr. Charlene L.
Muehlenhard, a professor of psychology at the University of Kansas and Dr. Zoe Peterson, the
director and research scientist at the Kinsey Institute Sexual Assault Research Initiative concluded
that stereotypical rape scripts and rape myths hold the belief that, “Rape occurs between strangers,
involves weapons and extreme force, requires substantial victim resistance, and leaves the victim
bruised and injured.” (Peterson & Muehlenhard, 2004, p. 131) However, these myths and rape
scripts do not accurately reflect the legal definitions of rape or sexual assault or actual statistics.
In 50% of articles from 1980-84 attacks were committed by strangers and a weapon was
used in the assaults. That number drops in the second data set (1993-97) where 34% of articles
were about stranger rape and 28% mentioned the use of a weapon. The numbers decreased
dramatically in the final data set (2016-20) to 20% of articles about stranger rapes and only 4%
included a weapon. This drop in coverage of infrequent assaults may be due to the increased
research, education and awareness about acquaintance rapes and how the legal definitions of rape
and sexual assault have expanded overtime to include coercion, incapacitation by drugs or alcohol
and place an emphasis on the victim’s lack of consent (US Department of Justice, 2012) .
Victim drinking and victim blaming was not found in any articles from the first data set in
1980-84. This increased in the second data set (1993-97) and was the most prevalent within the
last set (2016-20). As previously stated, education and awareness surrounding sexual violence has
greatly increased over the past four decades yet victim blaming, when present, would seem to
suggest otherwise. Sexual violence no longer lives in the shadows of society’s consciousness. The
abundance of educational campaigns about rape and sexual assault have brought recognition to
this pressing issue. Consequently, awareness and statistical data that showcase the overwhelming
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occurrence of sexual violence can also breed a heightened sense of fear over victimization (Warr,
1985; Callanan, 2012) which can result in increased victim blaming attitudes (Lerner, 1980). This
may explain the 80% increase in victim blaming within the final and most recent data set. In other
words, safety is a primal instinct which means we all want to feel safe and in control, yet sexual
violence can frighten us and make us feel vulnerable.
Oftentimes, victim blaming is a subconscious attempt to placate our own fears by
distancing ourselves from the victim as much as possible (Lerner, 1980). If we convince ourselves
that certain behaviors or actions of the victim contributed to their victimization, we gain a false
sense of control by believing that we can avoid becoming a victim if we simply avoid the identified
behaviors. Other times, victim blaming is simply a product of how ingrained rape culture and
misogyny is within our society (Burt, 1980).
Perhaps what was most disturbing about victim blaming attitudes was who harbored them.
Judges expressed the highest amount of rape myth acceptance and direct victim blaming. This is
extremely problematic because judges have the power to dismiss cases, allow or exclude evidence,
decide sentencing and determine the guilt or innocence of a defendant in the absence of a jury. A
victim depends on judges to be impartial and to follow facts. However, when the very person who
has the highest power in the courtroom holds biased beliefs about victims or perpetrators- it can
have devastating consequences on victims and society.
One common misconception amongst the judges that showed victim blaming attitudes and
rape myth acceptance was the belief that men/boys who come from good educated families or have
bright academic futures do not fit the mold of a rapist. This myth of the stereotypical perpetrator
reinforces the illusion that all rapists are easily identifiable- when in reality, perpetrators are
present in all races, genders, education levels and social classes. For the sake of coding this study
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the term, “atypical perpetrator”, encompasses anyone that does not fit the stereotypical idea of
what a rapist looks and acts like. In the data sets from 1993-97 & 2016-20 articles included atypical
perpetrators ranging from celebrities, wealthy businessmen, high academic or athletic status,
government officials, police officers and even one woman. This increase in news coverage with a
wider variety of perpetrators may also be due to the increase in social awareness around sexual
violence. News reports about rapes and sexual assaults that go against stereotypes can help to
expand the public’s understanding of sexual violence.
(2)Who is quoted first within the article
Who is quoted first within the article sets the tone for the conversation as a whole. In the
data sets from 1980-84 and 1993-97, the police and spokespeople for the police departments were
overwhelmingly quoted first in articles. However, in the final data set (2016-20) lawyers were the
highest to be quoted first. Another difference in this data set is the increase in judges, victims,
defendants and experts as the first ones quoted. It is interesting to note that in 2 out of the 3 articles
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in 2016-20 that quoted the defendant first, the accused was President Donald J. Trump. Experts
are defined as psychologists, professors, therapists and academic researchers whose area of
expertise is in sexual violence or the law.
(3) Thematic and Episodic Frames
In total, 107 articles were presented from a purely episodic perspective. Meaning
that, the majority of reports characterized the rape or sexual assault as a singular event with no
connection to the larger societal framework of sexual violence. Purely thematic articles
contained proposed policies legislation or general statistics but left out more personalized stories
of victims. Articles that contained both thematic and episodic frames focused on singular acts of
sexual violence and then tied in statistics and concepts such a rape culture, public policy or
societal perceptions.
In the first two data sets from 1980-84/1993-97, the number of episodic, thematic and a
mixture of both frames were identical- 44 (episodic) 1 (thematic) and 6 (both T/E). However, in
the third and most recent data set from 2016-20, there is a significant change- 19 (episodic), 8
19
(thematic) and 23 (both T/E). From this data we can see that a greater link is made between an
incident of rape or sexual assault and where that event fits in the larger scale of sexual violence.
This could be representative of a changing perception of what contributes to rape and sexual assault
in our society. Through increased education and awareness, we now have a better understanding
of rape culture and how sexual violence is linked to certain system failures that make it easier for
predators to escape punishment and harder for victims to receive support (Shen, 2011; Thacker,
2017).
A mixture of episodic and thematic frames can report the victim's personal story and also
place the incident into social context which allows us to explore the societal changes that can be
made to combat sexual violence such as; legislation, community response, criminal justice system
practices and trauma informed care training (Cox, Lang, Townsend, & Campbell, 2010; Allison &
Wrightsman,1993). However, when an assault is looked at from a purely episodic standpoint it
reduces the problem to a series of disconnected and seemingly random incidents. A detached view
of the problem can promote victim blaming attitudes since the focus is more on what the individual
victim could have done to prevent the attack instead of on what we can do as a community.
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(4) Semantic Framing
As shown in the chart, the use of passive voice when referring to a rape or sexual assault
declined consistently over the time periods. Consensual sexual language was used most
frequently in the 1993-97 and included “fondled”, “performed”, “sex acts” “had sex” and “sexual
relations”. The phrases “had sex” and “sexual relations” were mainly used in articles that
involved adult males raping female children and teens who, being underage, could not legally
consent to sex. Consensual sexual language declined by 50% in the subsequent data set (2016-
20). Euphemistic language was peasant in only two articles in total.
The use of the word accuser to replace the word victim had increased over time. Accuser
was not used in any articles during the 1980-84-time frame; the second time period used the word
accuser in only two articles and the most recent time frame, 2016-20, is where it is used the most.
However, the significance is not the amount of times the word accuser is used but when it is used.
Put differently, the only times the word accuser was used to replace the word victim had more to
do with who was being accused of rape or sexual assault than who the victim was. In every article
21
that used the word accuser, the alleged perpetrator of sexual assault did not fit the stereotypical
rapist as the deranged weapon wielding stranger and all were men of privilege through either or a
combination of extreme wealth, athletic achievement, celebrity or career status.
The word victim implies that a person had something harmful done to them. However,
when the word accuser replaces the word victim- the person who was hurt now becomes the one
who is doing something to another. The accused then becomes the victim of an accusation (Katz,
2015). When journalists use the word accuser instead of victim or alleged victim it can shift the
focus off of the accused and onto the victim’s actions and credibility (Katz, 2015). The victims
become the one whose motives are placed under scrutiny rather than the alleged actions of the
accused (Katz, 2015).
Victims and Perpetrators by Gender
While gender was not a specific focus of my study, it was a theme that became quite
obvious once I started examining articles. One significant issue was the lack of representation for
men, transgender, genderqueer and gender-nonconforming victims (TGQN). While it is true that
women and girls make up a majority of rape and sexual assault victims, they are not the only ones
who are victimized. Within all 150 articles, there were only 2 male victims mentioned and both
were children. Members of the TGQN community were not listed as victims or perpetrators in any
articles. Disproportionate coverage of the stereotypical dichotomy of male perpetrator and female
victim leave other victims’ experiences out of the larger conversation. Even though the majority
of perpetrators are men, women and nonbinary folks perpetrate crimes of sexual violence as well.
However, out of 150 articles, all 150 listed male perpetrators and only 1 article also included a
story about a female perpetrator.
22
Conclusion
In some ways, news coverage in The New York Times has changed over the past four
decades to reflect a better understanding of rape and sexual assault past many stereotypical rape
myths and episodic framing. Rape and sexual assault education and awareness campaigns are more
prevalent today than they were in the 1980s, leading to a significant societal shift in perspective
about the different aspects that play a role in sexual violence (National Sexual Assault Resource
Center, 2020; McMahon, S. Baker, K., 2011). While the perpetrator is responsible for their actions,
the behavior of an individual is not the only factor that allows widespread sexual violence to
continue. Rape myth acceptance has infiltrated the very systems that are supposed to help victims.
Unfortunately, there has been an increase in victim blaming within The New York Times
coverage since the 1980s. Why victim blaming statements have increased in The New York Times
despite the expansion of sexual violence education and awareness would be an interesting area for
further research. Furthermore, the lack of representation of certain victim groups stayed consistent
throughout, which suggests that The New York Times has left many victims’ voices unheard and
proposes that more research on this subject is warranted.
The way that news organizations talk about sexual violence can either have positive or
negative effects on a micro and macro scale. On a personal level, news media framing can
influence how an individual think about rape and sexual assault (Conlin & Davie, 2015).
In some instances, media framing can have more of an effect on a person’s perspective than
personal experience and even more so when a person’s understanding about a topic is minimal (De
Vreese, 2005). On a grander scale, media framing can also impact legislation, funding for support
services, conviction and arrest rates and how society as a whole perceives and responds to sexual
violence (Conlin & Davie, 2015).
23
This study shows that the framing of rape and sexual assault within The New York Times
has made some significant changes since the 1980s that indicate greater insight into the
complexities of sexual violence. However, this study also highlights the areas that could use
improvement and suggestions for further research.
Words matter. How we talk about rape and sexual assault matters. It is important to observe
the way that news organizations represent sex crimes, perpetrators and victims since the media can
be crucial in shaping public beliefs about rape and sexual assault which can result in significant
repercussions for victims and society as a whole (Levenson, J. & D'Amora, D. 2007).
24
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