Series
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Canada’s global leadership on health 1
Canada’s universal health-care system: achieving its
potential
Danielle Martin, Ashley P Miller, Amélie Quesnel-Vallée, Nadine R Caron, Bilkis Vissandjée, Gregory P Marchildon
Access to health care based on need rather than ability to pay was the founding principle of the Canadian health-care
system. Medicare was born in one province in 1947. It spread across the country through federal cost sharing, and
eventually was harmonised through standards in a federal law, the Canada Health Act of 1984. The health-care system
is less a true national system than a decentralised collection of provincial and territorial insurance plans covering a
narrow basket of services, which are free at the point of care. Administration and service delivery are highly decentralised,
although coverage is portable across the country. In the setting of geographical and population diversity, long waits for
elective care demand the capacity and commitment to scale up eective and sustainable models of care delivery across
the country. Profound health inequities experienced by Indigenous populations and some vulnerable groups also
require coordinated action on the social determinants of health if these inequities are to be eectively addressed.
Achievement of the high aspirations of Medicare’s founders requires a renewal of the tripartite social contract between
governments, health-care providers, and the public. Expansion of the publicly funded basket of services and coordinated
eort to reduce variation in outcomes will hinge on more engaged roles for the federal government and the physician
community than have existed in previous decades. Public engagement in system stewardship will also be crucial to
achieve a high-quality system grounded in both evidence and the Canadian values of equity and solidarity.
Introduction
Founded on Indigenous lands and the product of
Confederation that united former British colonies in
1867, Canada is a complex project. 36 million people from
a rich diversity of ethnocultural backgrounds live on a
vast geography bounded by the Arctic, Pacific, and
Atlantic Oceans, across six time zones and eight distinct
climate regions.
Canada is among the world’s most devolved federations,
with substantial political power and policy responsibility
held by its ten provinces and three territories. The
province of Quebec, with its unique French-speaking
linguistic and cultural context, often charts a policy path
that is independent from the rest of the country.
1
The
decentralisation of the Canadian polity is expressed in its
health-care system—known as Medicare—which is not a
national system per se, but rather a collection of provincial
and territorial health insurance plans subject to national
standards.
2,3
These taxation-based, publicly funded,
universal programmes cover core medical and hospital
services for all eligible Canadians, and are free at the point
of care (figure 1).
To Canadians, the notion that access to health care
should be based on need, not ability to pay, is a defining
national value. This value survives despite a shared border
with the USA, which has the most expensive and
inequitable health-care system in the developed world.
4
Canadian Medicare is more than a set of public insurance
plans: more than 90% of Canadians view it as an important
source of collective pride.
5
This pride points to an
implicit social contract between governments, health-care
providers, and the public—one that demands a shared and
ongoing commitment to equity and solidarity.
6
Such a
commitment is inevitably challenged in each generation
by an array of external shocks and internal problems.
Currently, wait times for elective care, inequitable access
to health services in both the public and private systems,
and the urgent need to address health disparities for
Indigenous Canadians threaten this equity and solidarity.
In this first paper of a two-part Series on Canada’s health
system and global health leadership,
7
we analyse the
unique history and features of the Canadian health-care
system and consider the key factors challenging domestic
Lancet 2018; 391: 1718–35
Published Online
February 23, 2018
http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/
S0140-6736(18)30181-8
See
Comment pages 1643,
1645, 1648, 1650 and 1651
See
Perspectives pages 1658,
1659, and 1660
See Series page 1736
This is the first in a Series of
two papers about Canada’s
health system and global health
leadership
Women’s College Hospital and
Department of Family and
Community Medicine,
University of Toronto
(D Martin MD) and Dalla Lana
School of Public Health
(D Martin, G P Marchildon PhD),
University of Toronto, Toronto,
ON, Canada; Division of General
Internal Medicine, Department
of Medicine, Dalhousie
University, Halifax, NS, Canada
(A P Miller MD); McGill
Observatory on Health and
Social Services Reforms,
Key messages
• Canada’s universal, publicly funded health-care system—known as Medicare—is a
source of national pride, and a model of universal health coverage. It provides
relatively equitable access to physician and hospital services through 13 provincial and
territorial tax-funded public insurance plans.
• Like most countries that are members of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation
and Development (OECD), Canada faces an ageing population and fiscal constraints in
its publicly funded programmes. Services must be provided across vast geography and
in the context of high rates of migration and ethnocultural diversity in Canadian cities.
• In 2017, the 150th anniversary of Canadian Confederation, the three key health policy
challenges are long waits for some elective health-care services, inequitable access to
services outside the core public basket, and sustained poor health outcomes for
Indigenous populations.
• To address these challenges, a renewal of the tripartite social contract underpinning
Medicare is needed. Governments, health-care providers (especially physicians), and the
public must recommit to equity, solidarity, and co-stewardship of the system.
• To fully achieve the potential of Medicare, action on the social determinants of health and
reconciliation with Indigenous peoples must occur in parallel with health system reform.
• Without bold political vision and courage to strengthen and expand the country’s health
system, the Canadian version of universal health coverage is at risk of becoming outdated.
Series
www.thelancet.com Vol 391 April 28, 2018
1719
Department of Epidemiology,
Biostatistics and Occupational
Health, and Department of
Sociology, McGill University,
Montréal, QC, Canada
A Quesnel-Vallée PhD);
Department of Surgery,
Northern Medical Program and
Centre for Excellence in
Indigenous Health, University
of British Columbia, Prince
George, BC, Canada
(N R Caron MD); School of
Nursing and Public Health
Research Institute, Université
de Montréal, SHERPA Research
Centre, Montréal, QC, Canada
(B Vissandjée PhD); and
Johnson-Shoyama Graduate
School of Public Policy,
University of Regina, Regina,
SK, Canada (G P Marchildon)
Correspondence to:
Dr Danielle Martin, Women’s
College
Hospital, Toronto,
ON
M5S 1B2, Canada
policy makers and the system’s potential to be a model for
the world. We then propose a renewal of the tripartite
social contract in service of accessible, aordable, high-
quality care for all residents of Canada in the decades
to come.
History: a social democratic foundation
The words health and health care were nowhere to be
found in the original Canadian Constitution of 1867.
However, provincial governments were given explicit
authority over hospitals in the constitutional division of
powers between the federal government and the provinces
and territories. Over time, these subnational governments
became the presumed primary authorities over most
health-care services.
In the early 1900s, Thomas Clement “Tommy” Douglas,
then a young boy growing up in Winnipeg (MB), nearly
lost a limb to osteomyelitis because his family was
unable to pay for care. When Douglas later became the
Social Democratic Premier of Saskatchewan, he imple-
mented universal public health insurance for the province,
making it the first jurisdiction with universal health
coverage in North America.
8
This insurance initially
covered hospital care in 1947. It was expanded to medical
care (mainly defined as physician services) in 1962.
Services were resourced by a provincial tax-financed plan.
Hospitals and physicians maintained a high degree of
autonomy, billing the public plan while designing their
own models of care.
The federal government played a part in the emergence
of universal health coverage during that period through
its spending power, which it used, and continues to use,
to maintain national standards for universal health
coverage. Thus, the Saskatchewan approach was adopted
in the rest of the country through the encouragement of
the federal government, which originally oered 50 cents
for every provincial dollar spent on universal health
coverage. Panel 1 outlines key events in this complex
Figure 1: Overview of the Canadian health system
Adapted from references 2 and 3.
A Governance
B Coverage
Canadian Constitution
Canada Health Act
Canada Health Transfer and
other transfer payments
Federal Minister of Health
Provincial and territorial
Ministers of Health
Federal–provincial–
territorial conferences,
committees
Public Health
Agency of Canada
Health Canada
Canadian Institutes
of Health Research
Patented Medicine
Prices Review Board
Canadian Food
Inspection agency
Collaborative contributors
to multiple pan-national
organisations, such as
Provincial and
territorial medical
associations
Eligible Canadians
First Nations
Inuit
Canadian Forces
Eligible veterans
Federal inmates
Some refugees
Health
professional
unions
Negotiations
Provincial and territorial
governments
Federal government
Health-care coverage and delivery: layer one and some layer two
Services Funding Administration Delivery
Regional health
authorities
Federal Minister
of Indigenous Services
• Canadian Agency for Drugs
and Technologies in Health
• Canadian Institute for Health
Information
• Canada Health Infoway
Layer one
Public services (Medicare):
all public funding
Hospitals
Physicians
Diagnostics
Public taxation Universal single-payer systems
Private self-regulating
professions
Private professional for-profit and
not-for-profit facilities, and public
arm’s length facilities
Dental care
Vision care
Complementary medicine
Outpatient physiotherapy
Primarily private insurance,
out-of-pocket payments,
with some public taxation
Private ownership
Private professions
Limited public regulation
Private professional for-profit facilities
Prescription drugs
Home care
Long-term care
Mental health care
Public taxation
Private insurance
Out-of-pocket payments
Public coverage is targeted
Public regulation of
private services
Private professional for-profit and
not-for-profit facilities, and public
arm’s length facilities
Layer two
Mixed services:
combination of public and
private funding
Layer three
Private services:
almost all private funding
Direct reporting relationship
Arm’s length relationship
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historical process that culminated in the unanimous
adoption of the Canada Health Act
9
in Canada’s
Parliament in 1984.
The Canada Health Act outlines the terms and
conditions to which all provincial and territorial plans
must adhere in order to access federal funding for health
care: portability, universality, accessibility, compr-
ehensiveness, and public administration (panel 2). Three
of these conditions are particularly eective in ensuring
some commonality across 13 health systems: portability,
Panel 1: An abbreviated history of Canadian Medicare
1947
Led by Premier Tommy Douglas, the Saskatchewan Hospital
Services Plan is introduced as the first universal hospital
insurance programme in North America
1957
Led by Prime Minister Louis St. Laurent, the Hospital Insurance
and Diagnostic Services Act establishes 50:50 cost sharing with
provincial hospital insurance plans that meet the criteria of
comprehensiveness, universality, accessibility, and portability
(user fees are discouraged despite no explicit prohibition)
1958
Implementation of the Hospital Insurance and Diagnostic
Services Act, with five provinces participating
1959
Premier Tommy Douglas announces his plan for universal
publicly funded medical insurance coverage (Medicare) in
Saskatchewan
1960
Organised medicine launches a large-scale campaign against
Medicare
1961
All ten provinces now participating in the Hospital Insurance and
Diagnostic Services Act
July 1, 1962
The Saskatchewan Medical Care Insurance Act takes effect,
establishing universal publicly funded medical insurance for
Saskatchewan residents
July 1–23, 1962
Saskatchewan doctors’ strike, led by the Keep our Doctors
committee
July 23, 1962
Saskatoon Agreement ends the strike, establishing opt-out
provisions and protections for the fee-for-service, private
practice model
1964
Led by Justice Emmett Hall, the Royal Commission on Health
Services recommends comprehensive universal health coverage
for all Canadians
1965
Led by Prime Minister Lester Pearson, federal Liberals announce
support for 50:50 cost sharing with provincial health plans that
meet the criteria of comprehensiveness, portability, universality,
and public administration
Dec 8, 1966
The Medical Care Insurance Act is passed in Parliament,
legislating federal support of provincial Medicare plans that
meet the criteria of comprehensiveness, portability,
universality, and public administration
July 1, 1968
The Medical Care Insurance Act comes into effect
1971
All provinces now have established comprehensive
medical insurance plans that meet the federal criteria
for funding eligibility
1977
Led by Prime Minister Pierre Elliott Trudeau, federal Liberals
introduce Established Programs Financing, which provides
block funding transfers to provinces and lessens federal
involvement in health-care provision
1979
Led by Justice Emmett Hall, the Health Services Review
raises concerns about the increase in user fees and extra
billing by physicians
1979
The Indian Health Policy is adopted, formalising the
federal government’s responsibility for health-care
provision for Indigenous Canadians as directed by
constitutional and statutory provisions, treaties, and
customary practice
1982
Prime Minister Pierre Elliott Trudeau and Queen Elizabeth II
sign the Constitution Act, establishing Canadian sovereignty
through patriation; previously established Constitutional
convention remained unchanged, including provincial
jurisdiction over health service delivery and financing, and
a federal role in pharmaceutical regulation, public health,
provincial oversight, and provision of services for those
groups under federal Constitutional authority (such as
Indigenous peoples, armed forces, veterans, inmates,
and refugees)
1984
Under Minister of National Health and Welfare Monique Bégin,
the Canada Health Act is passed unanimously by Parliament,
explicitly banning extra billing and establishing criteria for
transfer payment eligibility (with penalties for violations):
public administration, comprehensiveness, universality,
portability, and accessibility
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1721
universality, and accessibility. Portability allows insured
residents to keep their coverage when travelling or
moving within Canada.
11
Universality stipulates that
access must be on uniform terms and conditions—ie,
individuals do not have preferential access based on the
ability to pay privately. Accessibility means that no user
fees are charged for publicly insured services: when a
Canadian visits a doctor or is cared for in any department
of a hospital, there is no payment or deductible.
Provincial and territorial governments have upheld the
principles of the Canada Health Act through various laws
and policies to ensure ongoing federal funding; currently,
federal transfer payments amount to approximately 20%
of provincial health budgets.
12
Financing: deep public coverage of a narrow
basket of services
Financing in three layers
Expenditures on health constitute 10·4% of Canada’s gross
domestic product (GDP; table). This figure increased
consistently for many years and peaked in 2010, at 11·6%,
but decreased steadily in the years following the 2008–09
recession.
14
Although this figure seems to have stabilised,
14
it has not yet recovered to its previous peak.
Pundits and think tanks often claim that governments
in Canada have a public monopoly on health care, but
only 70·9% of total health expenditure is publicly
sourced, mainly through general taxation.
15
This
percentage rep resents a considerably lower public share
than that of the UK and most other nations in western
Europe (table). Approximately half of the 30% private
expenditure comes from out-of-pocket payments by
patients; the other half is covered by private supplemental
health insurance plans.
The financing of health services in Canada involves
three layers (figure 1). Layer one comprises public
services (those that Canadians recognise as Medicare):
medically necessary hospital, diagnostic, and physician
services. These services are financed through general
tax revenues and provided free at the point of service, as
required by the Canada Health Act. Coverage is
universal in this single-payer system. The most
important quality of this layer is relatively equitable
access to physician and hospital care.
16
Another benefit
is cost containment: within Canadian publicly funded
insurance plans, administrative overhead is extremely
low—less than 2%—because of the simplicity of the
single-payer scheme.
17
Layer two services are financed through a mix of
public and private insurance coverage and out-of-pocket
payments, and include provision of outpatient pre scrip-
tion drugs, home care, and institutional long-term care.
Provinces and territories each have a diverse mix of
public programmes in this layer, without any national
framework. For example, in some provinces, such
as Ontario, all senior citizens older than 65 years
have public prescription drug coverage, whereas in
others, such as British Columbia, drug coverage is
income tested.
18
Layer three services are financed almost entirely privately
and include dental care, outpatient physio therapy, and
routine vision care for adults when provided by non-
physicians.
3
Approximately 65% of surveyed Canadians have
private supplemental health insurance, mostly through
their employers.
19
This insurance covers some or all of
the costs of layer two and three services, notably
outpatient prescription medicines, generally with co -
payments or deductibles.
20
An additional 11% of people
have access to supplemental services through govern-
ment-sponsored insurance plans.
19
However, many
Canadians do not have supplemental insurance, with
provincial estimates ranging from a quarter to a third of
the total population.
19,21
These individuals have to pay out
of pocket for outpatient medicines, counselling services
(when provided by non-physicians), and more. Such
spending has been steadily increasing, particularly for
low-income Canadians.
14
More than CAN$6·5 billion in
household funds was spent on pharmaceuticals alone in
2014.
18
The large number of Canadians who do not have
access to supplemental insurance has led to concerns
about equity, fuelling calls for public coverage of a
wider range of services than are currently available
in layer one.
Exceptions
The federal government holds special responsibilities for
providing health coverage and services to Canadian Forces
personnel, inmates of federal prisons, eligible Indigenous
people, veterans, and certain groups of refugees.
22
The
Panel 2: Overview of the Canada Health Act
The following criteria and conditions must be met for
provinces and territories to receive federal contributions
under the Canada Health Transfer.
• Public administration: plans must be administered and
operated on a non-profit basis by a public authority
• Comprehensiveness: plans must cover all insured health
services provided by hospitals, physicians, or dentists (for
surgical dental procedures that require a hospital setting)
• Universality: all insured residents must be entitled to the
insured health services on uniform terms and conditions
• Portability: insured residents moving from one province
or territory to another, or temporarily absent from their
home province or territory or Canada, must continue to
be covered for insured health services (within certain
conditions)
• Accessibility: not to impede or preclude, either directly or
indirectly, whether by user charges or otherwise,
reasonable access to insured health services
Adapted from references 9 and 10.
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federal government also has steward ship responsibilities
for pharmaceutical regulation, health data collection, and
health research funding (figure 1).
A small number of Canadian residents do not have
public insurance for layer one services. Most are
newcomers experiencing provincially mandated delays
in coverage, rejected refugee claimants, and temporary
residents with expired work or education permits.
23
In
Ontario, a province of 13·6 million people, approximately
250 000 people are non-status residents and might
therefore be unable to access health-care coverage.
24
When necessary, these people often attempt to access
care through emergency departments, where upfront
payment is not required.
25
Decentralisation of delivery: a defining feature
of Medicare
Medicare is a single-payer layer of financing that is highly
decentralised in terms of service delivery. This split
between financing and provision of care evolved very
dierently from, for example, the more centralised
National Health Service in the UK.
Doctors are most commonly independent contractors,
billing public insurance plans on a fee-for-service or other
basis.
26
Despite the fact that they work within the
boundaries of regional or provincial health authorities
and in hospitals financed almost entirely publicly, few
accountability relationships exist between physicians and
health authorities, hospitals, or governments.
27
Canada USA UK France Denmark Australia
Demographics
Population 35·85 million 321·4 million 65·14 million 66·81 million 5·68 million 23·78 million
Landmass (km²) 9·985 million 9·834 million 0·242 million 0·644 million 0·043 million 7·692 million
Average population density per km² 3·6 32·6 269·2 103·8 132·1 3·1
Urban population* 82% 82% 83% 80% 88% 90%
Foreign-born population† 21·9% 13·1% 12·3% 11·7% 8·5% 27·6%
Human Development Index (global rank)‡ 0·920 (10) 0·920 (10) 0·910 (12) 0·897 (21) 0·925 (5) 0·939 (2)
Gini coefficient of income inequality§ 0·313 0·390 0·360 0·297 0·256 0·337
Population aged <15 years* 16% 19% 18% 18% 17% 19%
Population aged >65 years* 17% 15% 18% 19% 19% 15%
Fertility rate (children per woman)* 1·6 1·8 1·8 1·9 1·7 1·8
Population health
Life expectancy at birth (years; global rank)¶ 82·14 (14) 79·16 (38) 80·78 (28) 82·26 (13) 80·35 (32) 82·50 (9)
Health-adjusted life expectancy at birth
(years; global rank)||
72·3 (11) 69·1 (51) 71·4 (23) 72·6 (9) 71·2 (26) 71·9 (16)
Amenable mortality by HAQ Index** 87·6 81·3 84·6 87·9 85·7 89·8
30-day acute myocardial infarction mortality†† 6·7% 5·5% 7·9% 7·1% 6·3% 4·4%
Under-5 mortality per 1000‡ 4·9 6·5 4·2 4·3 3·5 3·8
Population overweight or obese†† 60·3% 70·1% 62·9% 52·7% 54·4% 63·6%
Population daily smokers† 14·0% 12·9% 19·0% 22·4% 17·0% 12·4%
Leading cause of death‡‡ Cancer Heart disease Cancer Cancer Cancer Heart disease
Experience of care
Average length of hospital stay (days)†† 7·5 5·4 6·0 5·8 3·5 4·7
Caesarean sections per 1000 births†† 259 322 252 208 212 340
Hospital beds per 10 000†† 27 28 27 62 27 38
Physicians per 1000|| 2·477 2·554 2·806 3·227 3·648 3·374
Physician generalists†† 47·19% 11·92% 28·72% 46·72% 19·61% 45·01%
Nurses per 1000†† 10·8 11·2 8·2 9·7 18·2 12·7
Proportion reporting difficulty accessing after-hours
care§§
63% 51% 49% 64% NA 44%
Proportion reporting wait >2 months for specialist
appointment§§
30% 6% 19% 4% NA 13%
Proportion reporting wait >4 months for elective
surgery§§
18% 4% 12% 2% NA 8%
Proportion reporting cost-related access barriers§§ 16% 33% 7% 17% NA 14%
Proportion reporting use of emergency services in
past 2 years§§
41% 35% 24% 33% NA 22%
Proportion reporting use of emergency given lack of
access to regular medical doctor§§
17% 16% 7% 7% NA 6%
(Table continues on next page)
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1723
This structure can again be traced back to Saskatchewan,
where physicians responded to the single-payer model
with a province-wide strike for 23 days, demanding to
preserve their ability to bill patients or private insurance
plans rather than the government.
28
The strike ended with
the Saskatoon Agreement, a truce whereby doctors would
become part of the system as publicly paid but self-
employed professionals with minimal engagement in or
accountability to system-wide governance.
29
Further fragmentation is inherent in the fact that
hospitals, health authorities, and other organisations often
have their own independent boards and separate budgets,
and thus make decisions about the kinds of services they
will provide independently of other parts of the system.
9
The centralised data collection that occurs in single-
payer insurance plans has great potential to support quality
improvement of the health system. Currently, these
data inform the strategic directions of health minis-
tries and support excellent health services research in
most provinces. Unfortunately, their use for operational
purposes to drive front-line improvements has been
scarce. Data are seldom provided in real time to organi-
sations and providers delivering care because of the
prioritisation of privacy, data security, and the diculties
involved in provision of just-in-time data from large
administrative databases.
30
The ease of innovation scale-up that should in theory
characterise a single-payer environment remains under-
realised.
31,32
In Canada, the rate of adoption of electronic
medical records increased from about 23% of health-care
practitioners in 2006 to an estimated 73% in 2015.
33
Nonetheless, hospital-based systems and primary care
systems are commonly designed in isolation from each
other. This separation makes information sharing dicult
as patients move through distinct parts of the system that
use dierent electronic tools unlinked to each other,
causing further fragmentation of care.
National bodies that could overcome fragmentation of
coverage or service delivery have had varying degrees of
success. The special Canadian brand of decentralisation is
illustrated in the case of health technology assessment, an
area in which many countries use arm’s length agencies
to make nationwide decisions about funding allocation
(eg, the National Institute for Health and Care Excellence
in the UK). The Canadian version is the Canadian Agency
for Drugs and Technologies in Health (CADTH), an
intergovernmental body that provides evidence-informed
funding recom mendations as to which drugs and
technologies should be publicly covered. However, unlike
most international health technology assessment org-
anisations, CADTH’s outputs are advisory only. Although
regional health plans made coverage decisions consistent
with these recommendations in more than 90% of cases
between 2012 and 2013, manufacturers must none-
theless navigate 13 provincial and territorial labyrinthine
approval processes even after receiving CADTH sanction.
32
Furthermore, 85% of private plans provide coverage for
all prescriptions, including those that CADTH rec om-
mends against, with the result that evidence-informed
recommendations do not necessarily cross the public–
private divide.
34
The context for change
Fiscal constraints
As Canadian governments, providers, and the public
consider how to address the important health policy
challenges of the day, their options are defined by several
factors. Some of these factors are common across many
countries in the Organisation for Economic Co-operation
and Development (OECD), such as fiscal constraints,
Canada USA UK France Denmark Australia
(Continued from previous page)
Per capita costs
Total health expenditure per GDP* 10·4% 17·1% 9·1% 11·5% 10·8% 9·4%
Total health expenditure per capita (PPP)* 4641 9403 3377 4508 4782 4357
Total publicly financed health expenditure* 70·9% 48·3% 83·1% 78·2% 84·8% 67·0%
Total health expenditure out of pocket* 13·6% 11·0% 9·7% 6·3% 13·4% 18·8%
Total health expenditure on pharmaceuticals† 17·5% 12·3% 12·1% 14·7% 6·8% 14·4%
Pharmaceutical cost per capita (US$)† 786 1112 497 668 342 617
Average general practitioner income (PPP)††¶¶ 140 617·66 176 000·00 78 932·65 NA NA 96 015·97
Average specialist income (PPP)††¶¶ 230 291·66 265 000·00 161 794·37 95 162·75 139 248·35 208 107·93
Average nurse salary (PPP)†† 55 259·93 70 610·00 49 948·20 41 161·50 58 364·26 62 919·14
Health technology assessment agency‡‡ Canadian Agency for
Drugs and
Technology
No centralised
federal agency
National Institute for
Health and Care
Excellence
Haute Authorité de
Santé
Danish Centre for
Health Technology
Assessment
Pharmaceutical
Benefits Advisory
Committee
OECD=Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. HAQ=Health Access and Quality. NA=not available. GDP=gross domestic product. PPP=purchasing power parity. *Data from World Bank Data
Portal. †Data from OECD Data. ‡Data from United Nations Development Program: Human Development Reports. §Data from OECD Income Distribution Database. ¶Data from Index Mundi. ||Data from WHO
Global Health Observatory Data. **Data from reference 13. ††Data from OECD.Stat. ‡‡Data from HiT reports. §§Data from 2016 Commonwealth Fund International Health Policy Survey. ¶¶Medscape Physician
Compensation Report, 2013.
Table: Canada versus OECD comparators by indicators of the Triple Aim
For data from World Bank Data
Portal see http://data.
worldbank.org/
For data from OECD Data see
https://data.oecd.org/
For data from United Nations
Development Program: Human
Development Reports see
http://hdr.undp.org/en/data
For data from OECD Income
Distribution Database see
http://www.oecd.org/social/
income-distribution-database.
htm
For data from Index Mundi see
http://www.indexmundi.com/
For data from WHO Global
Health Observatory Data see
http://www.who.int/gho/en/
For data from OECD.Stat see
http://stats.oecd.org/
For data from HiT reports see
http://www.euro.who.int/en/
about-us/partners/observatory/
publications/health-system-
reviews-hits/full-list-of-
country-hits
For data from 2016
Commonwealth Fund
International Health Policy
Survey see http://www.
commonwealthfund.org/
interactives-and-data/surveys/
international-health-policy-
surveys/2016/2016-
international-survey
For the Medscape Physician
Compensation Report, 2013
see http://www.medscape.com/
features/slideshow/
compensation/2013/public
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population ageing, and the social determinants of health;
other factors have uniquely Canadian elements, such as
geography and particular patterns of migration.
Following the recession of 2008–09, economic growth in
Canada was slower than it had been throughout much of
the post-World War 2 era, with GDP growth averaging just
over 2% annually between 2011 and 2016.
35
In the past
decade, provincial governments have increasingly focused
on reducing the rate of growth in health-care spending,
which constitutes 38% of provincial budgets based on the
pan-Canadian average.
14
Population ageing
In demographic terms, Canada is still a younger country
than many European nations.
36
The fertility rate in
Canada, which was 1·6 children per woman in 2015
(table; data from World Data Bank Portal), has remained
relatively stable over the past decade, largely because of
higher rates of childbearing among Indigenous and
foreign-born Canadian women than among the general
population.
37
Nevertheless, ageing remains an inevitable reality as the
baby boom generation enters its senior years. People aged
65 years and older represent Canada’s fastest growing age
group, and 85% of seniors aged 65–79 years reported
having at least one chronic condition in 2012.
38
The
financial burden of ageing is not expected to be cata-
strophic, contributing an estimated less than 1% per year
to health-care spending; however, the trend is important
for design of health services.
39
The traditional hospital-
focused and physician-focused nature of the Canadian
system must evolve to meet the growing need for home-
based and community-based care, inter professional
team-based care, and institutional long-term care.
40
Social determinants of health
The Lalonde Report of 1974 (panel 3) served as a catalyst
for widespread recognition that health is determined
more by social, cultural, economic, and gender-based
determinants of health than by access to health-care
services.
41
In a country where the contribution of health
services to health is estimated to be only 25%, the impact
of other determinants including poverty is considerable.
42
More than 13% of Canadians were living in a low-income
household in 2016.
43
This hardship disproportionately
aects vulnerable Canadians from particular ethno-
cultural backgrounds and some groups of migrants who
are more than twice as likely to experience poverty than
other Canadians.
44
Thus, as is the case across high-income
countries, policies aimed at income re distribution,
housing support, and early education and childhood
development programmes will continue to be crucial to
the health of the population.
45
Geography
The geographical challenges to Canada’s health system
are enormous. Approximately 18% of Canada’s
population lives in rural or remote communities
dispersed throughout 95% of the area of the second
largest country in the world (table). North of the densely
inhabited Canada–USA border corridor, the need for
remote primary care facilities and frequent medical
transport to specialised centres renders health-care
delivery both challenging and expensive (figure 2).
46
The distribution of health-care providers and resources
does not mirror need: only 13·6% of family physicians
and less than 3% of specialists live in rural and remote
areas of Canada.
47
Similar distributional imbalances
exist for nurses and other regulated health-care
professionals.
These realities have led to the emergence of high-
performing regional networks for expensive speci-
alty care, such as trauma services, cancer care, and
organ transplantation. Telemedicine—in which local
prov iders or patients receive specialist advice via
telecommunication—has facilitated rapid access to em-
ergency subspecialty assessment and follow-up, and is
gradually expanding its role in chronic disease manage-
ment.
48
New curricula and legislation have allowed rural
nurses, nurse practitioners, pharmacists, and primary
care physicians to broaden their scopes of practice into
areas such as oncology or surgery.
49,50
Trainees across the
regulated health professions are increasingly being
trained in rural or remote communities to prepare them
for careers outside major cities.
51
Despite these successes, Canadians living in remote
areas must often travel long distances to access anything
beyond the most basic forms of health care.
52
For
example, in Nunavut, a northern and largely Indigenous
territory, 58% of patients needing inpatient and out-
patient hospital care are transported outside the
territory.
53
These geographical complexities might
change in the coming decades, as Canada continues to
urbanise. Census data from 2016 show that almost
60% of Canadians now live in metropolitan areas, with
one in three individuals living in Toronto, Montréal,
or Vancouver.
54
Ethnocultural and linguistic diversity and migration
Migration has been and remains an important force
shaping Canadian demography and identity (figure 3). At
present, more than one in five Canadians are foreign-
born.
55
Canada welcomed nearly 325 000 immigrants and
refugees in 2015, representing just under 1% of the total
population.
56
Most immigrants and refugees settle in one
of the country’s three biggest cities—Toronto, Montréal,
or Vancouver.
57
Despite the Canadian commitment to multiculturalism
and a general historical pattern of strong immigrant
integration into Canadian society, the health status of
many migrant groups often diers from that of Canadian-
born patients.
58–60
Newly arrived economic immigrants
are typically healthier than the general population, but
this so-called healthy immigrant eect declines over
Series
www.thelancet.com Vol 391 April 28, 2018
1725
time, partly because of the stresses of integration, and it
is not found across other classes of migrants.
61
Recent immigrants are twice as likely to have diculty
in accessing care than are Canadian-born women and
men, and seek primary care less often than either estab-
lished immigrants or the Canadian-born population.
62,63
However, with longitudinal data controlling for individual
propensity to seek care, immigrants are no more likely to
be without a regular doctor or report an unmet health-care
need than is the Canadian-born population.
64
For refugees,
challenges are more prevalent and complex.
65
Language is
the most commonly cited reason for diculty in accessing
care among many categories of migrants, whether they are
newcomers or established.
55
Availability of inter pretation
services and adequate use of those services, along with
appropriate training for health-care providers and
increased health and legal literacy for newcomers to
Canada, would pave the way for improved access to
context-sensitive care (panel 4).
65,66
Policy challenges
Three urgent issues
Canadians have a life expectancy at birth of 82·14 years
(table), which is longer than the OECD average.
Canada also outperforms the USA, the UK, and Denmark
in terms of amenable mortality (ie, deaths that should not
Panel 3: The history of national commissions and inquiries on health care in Canada
1961–64: Royal Commission on Health Services
(Hall Commission)
Led by Justice Emmett Hall, the Commission recommended
comprehensive health coverage for all Canadians and
development of national policy in health services, health
personnel, and health-care financing.
1973–74: A New Perspective on the Health of Canadians
(Lalonde Report)
Led by Marc Lalonde, Canadian Minister of National Health
and Welfare, this paper introduced the public health imperative
and called for the prevention of illness and promotion of good
health. It called for the expansion of the health-care system
beyond disease-based medical care.
1979–80: Health Services Review
Led by Justice Emmett Hall, this review reported on the
progress made since the 1964 commission and sought to
determine whether provinces were meeting the criteria of the
Medical Care Insurance Act. This inquiry identified widespread
extra billing and user fees, and served as a catalyst for the
Canada Health Act.
1991–96: Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples
The Commission investigated the evolution of the relationship
between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal people and
governments in Canada. Major recommendations included the
training of 10 000 health professionals over a 10-year period.
1993–97: Commission of Inquiry on the Blood System in
Canada (Krever Inquiry)
Led by Justice Horace Krever, the Commission investigated the
use of contaminated blood products that infected
2000 transfusion recipients with HIV and 30 000 with hepatitis C
between 1980 and 1990. This Commission led to the creation of
Canadian Blood Services in 1998.
1994–97: National Forum on Health
Commissioned by Prime Minister Jean Chrétien, this group
of experts from across Canada focused on broad determinants
of health and the need for enhanced emphasis on
evidence-based care.
1999–2002: Standing Senate Committee on Social Affairs,
Science and Technology Study on the State of the Health Care
System in Canada (Kirby Committee)
Led by Senator Michael Kirby, this committee conducted
a comprehensive review of Canadian health care.
Recommendations included a call for enhanced federal
oversight to ensure effective care and efficient resource use, and
highlighted poor health human resource planning as a cause of
geographical inequities.
2001–02: Commission on the Future of Health Care in
Canada (Romanow Commission)
Led by former Saskatchewan Premier Roy Romanow, the
Commission called for a renewed commitment to the values of
equity, fairness, and solidarity. The report was the catalyst for
the 2003 “Accords” and the establishment of the Health Council
of Canada (defunded in 2014) to monitor progress on
key objectives.
2003: National Advisory Committee on Severe Acute
Respiratory Syndrome (SARS) and Public Health
Led by David Naylor, this committee was established to review
the circumstances of the 2003 SARS outbreak. The report
identified significant issues with public health in Canada and led
to the creation of the Public Health Agency of Canada.
2008–15: Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada
Undertaken as part of holistic and comprehensive response
to the systemic abuse suffered by Indigenous Canadians under
the Indian Residential School system, the commission
identified calls to action to advance reconciliation. Although
not specifically focused on health care, the report highlighted
substantial gaps in health care for Indigenous people and
outlined the substantial impact of the trauma on mental and
physical health.
2015: Advisory Panel on Healthcare Innovation
Led by David Naylor, the panel’s Unleashing Innovation report
highlighted the need for enhanced patient engagement,
workforce modernisation, technological transformation, and
improved scale-up of existing innovations.
Series
1726
www.thelancet.com Vol 391 April 28, 2018
occur in the presence of timely and eective health care),
as measured through the Health Access and Quality
(HAQ) Index.
13
But key observations from international
comparisons point to a decades-long struggle with wait
times for some elective care and inequitable access to
services outside the traditional Medicare strength of
hospitals and doctors.
67
Average life expectancy also masks
variations in vulnerable groups, most notably Indigenous
populations: First Nations people have a projected life
expectancy of 73–74 years for men and 78–80 years for
women; for the Inuit, living in the far north, life expectancy
was 64 years for men and 73 years for women as of 2017.
68
What is most distressing to many observers of the
Canadian system is the persistence of its problems over
time.
69
Change in Canada is often
slow and incremental,
by contrast with the major and rapid transformations
often observed in reforms of the UK’s National Health
Service.
70
It is thus most accurately described not as a
system in crisis, but a system in stasis.
71
Within that
context, and considering the complex needs of many
segments of the Canadian population, three crucial
problems require action.
Wait times for elective care are too long
Urgent medical and surgical care is generally timely and
of high quality in Canada, as indicated by outcomes
such as acute myocardial infarction mortality (table).
However, the timeliness of elective care, such as hip
and knee replacements, non-urgent advanced imaging,
and outpatient specialty visits, is problematic.
72
The
proportion of Canadians waiting more than 2 months for a
specialist referral is 30% (table), which is far greater than
any OECD comparator in the Common wealth Fund’s
comparison of 11 countries.
67
Similarly, the proportion of
Canadians waiting more than 4 months for elective non-
urgent surgery is greatest at 18%.
Illustration: 17TL_4954_2
Editor: Jocalyn Clark
Author: Daniella Martin
Name of illustrator: JohnH.
Date started: 13/11/2017
YN
URGENT?
Text typed
Image redrawn
Checked by:
0 250 500 1000 1500 2000 km
Population density (people per km
2
)
Location of hospital
Hospital
0–50·0
50·1–100·0
100·1–1000·0
1000·1–2500·0
>2500·0
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Figure 2: Population density and distribution of hospitals in Canada (and the UK)
The map shows the population density and wide geographical distribution of health-care delivery. For comparison, a map of the distribution of hospitals in the UK is shown inset. Hospital data for Canada
are from DMTI Spatial, 2016, and population data for Canada are from Statistics Canada, 2016. UK hospital data are from the National Health Service, 2016, and UK population data are from Eurostat.
Series
www.thelancet.com Vol 391 April 28, 2018
1727
Governments have experimented with wait-time
guarantees, focused programmes, and targeted
spending in priority areas such as cancer care, cardiac
care, and diagnostic imaging, with varying degrees of
success. For example, all provinces achieved wait-time
benchmarks in radiation oncology in 2016, but long
elective MRI wait times remain largely unchanged over
the past decade, despite substantial growth in the
number of machines purchased and scans done.
73,74
The high degree of physician autonomy in Canada does
little to encourage doctors to join organised programmes
to reduce wait times. Successful models exist, such as the
Alberta Bone and Joint Health Institute in Calgary,
which reduced wait times for consultation for hip and
knee replacement from 145 days to 21 days through
inno vations including interprofessional teams and
centralised referral.
75
However, physicians have competing
responsi bilities, and there is no systemic support for their
involve ment in system change. If a government or regional
health authority wants physicians to participate in such an
initiative, it must often rely on exhortation or simply pay its
doctors more to gain their involvement. Poor federal–
provincial–territorial collaboration also hinders the ability
to scale up such successful responses to wait times across
provincial borders, hence the characterisation of Canada
by at least one former Minister of Health as a “country of
perpetual pilot projects”.
76,77
Canada’s reasonable performance on composite quality
metrics such as amenable mortality suggests that these
wait times for elective care do not necessarily translate to
worse health outcomes.
78
However, for the Canadian
public, long wait times for elective care are a lightning rod
issue and threaten to undermine support for Medicare.
Some groups have turned to the courts as a means of
0 250 500 1000 1500 2000 km
Yukon
Proportion of Canadian-born individuals
Northwest
Territories
Nunavut
British
Columbia
Aboriginal
Non-Aboriginal
Foreign-born individuals
North America
South America
Africa
Asia
Europe
Oceania
Population density
(people per km
2
)
0–50·0
50·1–100·0
100·1–1000·0
1000·1–2500·0
>2500·0
Alberta
Saskatchewan
Manitoba
Ontario
Quebec
Labrador and Newfoundland
Prince Edward
Island
Nova ScotiaNew Brunswick
Figure 3: Map of Canada by country of birth
The map illustrates the population density and the proportion of provincial populations based on country of birth. For comparison, a map of the UK by country of birth is shown inset. Population data
for Canada are from Statistics Canada, 2012, and population data for the UK are from the UK Office of National Statistics, 2016.
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challenging the public–private payment divide.
Relying on
the constitutional Charter of Rights and Freedoms, major
lawsuits in Quebec and British Columbia have argued that
various provisions of provincial laws, including those
that prevent privately financed care, are at the root of
public wait times and threaten the right to security of
the person.
79–82
Little more than a decade ago, the Quebec government
responded to the Supreme Court of Canada’s Chaoulli
decision by allowing private insurance for a few types of
surgical procedures, but this outcome did not create a
viable private market for a health insurance duplicative
of Medicare.
83
A more ambitious lawsuit impugning
prov incial Medicare laws was launched in British
Columbia in 2016.
84
Unlike the Quebec trial, which
sought only to overturn limits on private duplicative
insurance, the plaintis in the Cambie Surgeries
Corporation case in British Columbia seek to also
overturn restrictions on user fees and on physician
dual practice.
85
In the past decade, Canadian courts have made important
judgments on several other major questions of health-care
delivery, including the legalisation of safe injection sites,
reinstatement of insurance coverage for refugee claimants,
and legalisation of medical assistance in dying.
86–88
These
decisions have generally increased access to care for
vulnerable people. However, should the court in the
Cambie Surgeries Corporation case establish a legal right
for Canadians of means who wish to jump the public
queue, this case could fundamentally reshape Medicare
laws across the country and could threaten equitable access
to care. If Canadians are unable to find ways to change
the system from within through clinical and political
leadership, there is a risk that changes will be forced by
the courts, which are a blunt instrument for making
policy change.
Panel 4: Health-care experiences of vulnerable groups in Canada
Vanessa: an Indigenous health story
Vanessa is a healthy 28-year-old First Nations woman
pregnant with her third child. Her two previous deliveries were
uncomplicated and her pregnancy is considered low risk. On
her northern First Nations reserve, primary care services are
provided by nurses in the community clinic and supported by
a family physician who flies in once a month. The nearest
community an hour away has a small hospital, but provides
no intrapartum services.
Vanessa has access to prenatal care close to home. It is
important for her that such care is given within the
community, increasing the ease of access and sense of cultural
safety. Her medical care and prenatal vitamins are covered
through public health insurance plans, as is her transportation
to medical appointments outside the reserve. She worries
about her partner when she is away, particularly given the
deep impact of a cluster of recent suicides in the community
that included his teenaged sister. The community is affected
by many preventable deaths, including suicides, and trauma,
but no births—the circle of life feels incomplete.
At 34 weeks’ gestation, Vanessa must travel to the city,
where she sits in a motel room and waits to go into labour.
Neither the timing of the baby’s arrival nor the potential
complications that can arise can be predicted, so Vanessa
waits alone. As for most women in communities like hers, the
birth will occur not with a midwife in her community, but in a
hospital hundreds of kilometres away from her partner and
children, compromising her much-needed sense of cultural
safety. Her access to health-care services free at the point of
care is critical, but she wishes her care could be connected to
her home, her family, and her culture. If these defects in the
system are addressed, perhaps Vanessa’s next generation
will grow up to expect access to such vital, culturally safe
health care.
Mahmoud: a migrant health story
Mahmoud is a 52-year-old Syrian dental surgeon who arrived in
Canada with his wife and four children in 2016, as a
government-sponsored refugee family. The children started
public school while both parents enrolled in the
government-funded English-language training for the first
months of settlement.
Despite having publicly funded health insurance immediately
on arrival, Mahmoud does not access primary care for himself
or his family for many reasons, including discomfort with the
English language and a lack of knowledge of where to seek care.
When he begins to feel unwell, after stalling for a long time, he
goes to a local community clinic. An appointment is given for
him to return with interpreter services for the following week.
Unfortunately, in the meantime, Mahmoud is admitted to
hospital with uncontrolled blood sugars. He is started on oral
hypoglycaemics. As a refugee, his medicines are covered, but
when he transitions to regular provincial health insurance he
will have to pay for his medicines out of pocket.
The process associated with recognition of Mahmoud’s dental
credentials and skills is complex and lengthy. To take care of his
family, he takes up taxi driving. With his unpredictable hours, he
finds it hard to comply with his prescribed regimen and starts
missing follow-up appointments.
As the Ramadan period approaches, Mahmoud knows he will
fast but does not consult with the health team at the local
clinic, unsure whether he would be understood as he does not
know how to get an interpreter. Despite the fact that there is an
increasing sensitivity to the diversity of the Canadian
population by the health-care professionals, who are also
becoming increasingly diverse, more work is needed to improve
communication and personalisation of care, especially at the
primary care level.
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1729
Services outside the Medicare basket are often
inaccessible
Up to a third of working Canadians do not have access to
employer-based supplemental private insurance for
prescription medicines, outpatient mental health services
provided by professionals such as social workers or
psychologists, and dental care.
21
These individuals are
more likely to be women, youths, and low-income
individuals. Public coverage of those services varies
between provinces, but generally focuses on seniors and
unemployed people receiving social assistance, leaving
the working poor most vulnerable.
89
Thus, inequities in
health outcomes driven by the social determinants of
health are at risk of being compounded by the narrow
but deep basket of publicly funded services.
Notably, Canada is the only developed country with
universal health coverage that does not include pre-
scription medications, and 57% of prescription drug
spending is financed through private means.
18,90
Nearly
one in four Canadian households reports that someone
in that household is not taking their medications because
of inability to pay.
91
Beyond prescription drugs, inequitable access to home-
based care and institutional long-term care is pressing.
In 2012, nearly 461 000 Canadians aged 15 years or older
reported that they had not received help at home for a
chronic health condition even though they needed it.
92
Because such layer two services receive inadequate
public financing, Canadians aged 65 years or older have
cited inability to pay as the main barrier to accessing
the home and community care support they needed.
92
Some combination of inspired leadership, public fin-
ancing, engaged governance, robust regulation, and
inter governmental coop eration seems to be needed to
protect the public interest and address inequities of
access to layer two services.
Indigenous health disparities are unacceptable
As in other settler societies such as Australia,
New Zealand, and the USA, Indigenous populations in
Canada were colonised and marginalised. In the
Canadian case, marginalisation took the forms of Indian
Residential Schools, government-enforced relocation,
and historically segregated Indian hospitals, to name a
few.
93,94
Three distinct and constitutionally recognised
groups—First Nations, Inuit, and Métis—constitute
4·3% of the Canadian population and experience
persistent health disparities relative to the non-
Indigenous population, including higher rates of chronic
disease, trauma, interpersonal and domestic violence,
and suicide, as well as lower life expectancy and higher
infant mortality rates.
95–97
For example, Canada’s infant
mortality rate dropped by 80% from more than 27 deaths
per 1000 livebirths in 1960, to five per 1000 livebirths on
average in 2013.
98
However, the estimated rate in
Nunavut (the northern territory in which approximately
85% of the population is Inuit) was more than three
times the national rate at 18 deaths per 1000 livebirths
in 2013.
98
Other far-reaching inequities exist in the social
determinants of health that even the best health-care
systems cannot redress. Indigenous Canadians face
substantial wage gaps of up to 50% compared with non-
Indigenous groups, after adjustment for education and
age.
99
Persistent racism and social exclusion permeate
not only the health-care but also the education and justice
systems, with subsequent disparities in high school
education rates, incarceration rates, and other factors
often driving egregious health statistics.
100
These challenges are not evenly distributed: figure 3
illustrates the proportion of the population that is
Indigenous by province and territory. Due in part to
higher fertility rates in the Indigenous population than
in the general population, by 2036, a projected one in five
people will be an Indigenous person in the western
provinces of Saskatchewan and Manitoba.
101
A dizzying array of services in the health-care system,
including federal programmes, provincially provided
services, and highly bureaucratised add-ons, together
continue to fail to meet the needs and constitutional
rights of Indigenous people.
102
Indigenous people are
covered by provincial Medicare plans, but some on-
reserve health-care services fall under federal jurisdiction,
and many Indigenous people receive supplemental
insurance through the federal government.
Canada is actively grappling with its colonial history.
An unprecedented Truth and Reconciliation Commission
(TRC) released a report
94
in 2015 that shared the stories of
Indian Residential School survivors who lost connection
to family, land, culture, and language through a process
intended to assimilate them into western society.
Seven
of the 94 calls to action in the report refer directly to steps
required to address the inequities in health. From
recognising and valuing traditional Indigenous healing
practices to training Indigenous doctors and nurses and
setting measurable goals to close gaps in access to health-
care services, the TRC calls to action address crucial
themes, many of which are rooted in self-governance.
The newly established First Nations Health Authority in
British Columbia, which is self-governed and community-
driven, is an example of the type of emerging model
intended to address the demand for self-governance in
the administration and delivery of culturally safe and
responsive services for Indigenous people in Canada.
103
The remaining TRC calls to action, should they be
implemented, would help to reduce disparities in the
social determinants of health, leading to better health-
care outcomes.
An opportunity to renew the social contract
The role of governments: federal, provincial, and
Indigenous
As Canadians observe the 150th anniversary of
Confederation in the face of these three important
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challenges, a renewed vision of the roles of governments,
providers, and the public will be required to overcome the
stasis of the present and achieve the potential of single-
payer Medicare. Rather than continue the Canadian
tradition of slow, steady, and incremental change,
governments must step forward boldly and with proactive
commitment to ensure a vital and sustainable system for
all Canadians.
The predominant administrative and delivery responsi-
bilities for health care in Canada will always lie with
provincial and territorial governments. The work of
reorganising resources, building infrastructure, and
delivering programmes for an ageing population under
fiscal constraints is theirs to lead. For wait times in
particular, a focus on provincial implementation of
successful projects using the available financial and
policy levers is long overdue.
However, provincial and territorial governments cannot
succeed alone. At a few key times in Canadian history, the
federal government has overcome decentral isation and
fragmentation by setting a national vision for health care
and investing politically and financially in that vision. In
an era in which Canada is reasserting its commitment to
progressive values on the international stage,
7
health care
represents a key domestic opportunity to recommit to the
core Canadian values of equity and solidarity.
104
The movement to expand the scope of the public basket
of services is at the heart of this approach, and we support
mounting calls for universal prescription drug coverage
105
as well as expanded home care,
106
long-term care,
106
and
mental health services
107
to be included in layer one of the
financing system. Royal Commissions as far back as the
1964 Hall Commission
108
and as recent as the 2002
Romanow Commission
109
have clearly articulated the
need for this expansion. In particular, debates about a so-
called Pharmacare system are gaining needed momen-
tum, as multiple economic evaluations have suggested
that improved access through an expansion of public
coverage is possible at lower overall costs.
110
As the Quebec
experience illustrates, it is dicult for any one province to
begin alone as Tommy Douglas did in Saskatchewan—
federal cost sharing and stewardship will be required at
an early stage to achieve the savings as well as the
coverage and quality goals of Pharmacare.
111
With respect to wait times, solutions will continue to be
based in local innovations, but the infrastructure for
national spread and scale-up requires active federal
involvement. One possible approach, recommended by a
federally commissioned panel on health innovation, would
be a Healthcare Innovation Fund intended to accelerate
the spread and scale-up of promising innovations.
32
A constructive partnership between the federal govern-
ment and Indigenous peoples could overcome one of
Canada’s most dicult challenges—the very poor health
outcomes of Indigenous peoples. Newly established
principles guiding the relationship between the Govern-
ment of Canada and Indigenous peoples, as well as the
launch of a new federal Ministry of Indigenous Services
established in August, 2017, could set the tone for renewed
terms of engagement.
112
This commitment to self-
determination will mean supporting new models of self-
governance within and beyond the health-care sphere,
with a particular focus on healing from inter generational
trauma and a strengths-based, wellness-focused approach
to enhancing the social determinants of health. Canada’s
considerable experience with decentralised models of
health-care delivery should allow for such innovation, and
the opportunity must be seized with more urgency.
The TRC’s calls to action must move from suggestions
based on the courageous voices of survivors of the Indian
Residential School system to non-negotiable tasks for all
levels of government, all professional organisations, and
all citizens. These tasks include: first, measurement and
frank evaluations of health-care systems and programmes;
second, creation of cultural safety and humility within a
health-care system that needs to rebuild trust; and third,
true representation of Indigenous Canadians within the
ranks of providers and leaders of the health-care system.
Mutual accountability here is essential.
The role of providers
Canadian hospital-based nurses, nurse practitioners,
pharmacists, physiotherapists, and other health pro-
fessionals are employed by health service delivery
organisations and regional health authorities. As em-
ployees, these regulated health professionals have
account ability for quality improvement and system
reform, and their influence and importance in the system
have been increasing steadily for decades.
113
The scope
and availability of interprofessional and nurse-led care
models continue to grow, as evidenced by policy outcomes
such as the rapid increase in nurse practitioners in
Quebec as part of that province’s approach to primary
care reform.
114
Given the importance of interprofessional
teams in improvement of access to high-quality primary
and specialty care, such teams must be accelerated to
reduce wait times, work on disparities associated with
social determinants of health, and improve care for
vulnerable groups.
By contrast, Canadian physicians remain primarily self-
employed, independent professionals.
115
Ongoing con-
flicts are fuelled by mounting pressure to alter this
arrangement and increase professional accountability
for and to the system.
116
Productive partnerships between
physicians and governments at times exist, but co-
stewardship of finite resources is not built into
the structure of the system. The need for physician
engagement, both at the individual and collective level, is
crucial as Canada moves to address long wait times for
elective care, because solutions so often involve the
reorganisation of traditional referral models and the
introduction of team-based care. Furthermore, expanded
public coverage of prescription medications will necessi-
tate a drive towards more evidence-informed and
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1731
value-based prescribing. Canadian physicians are well
situated to constructively contribute to such eorts to
define value and help to shift behaviour. As founders of
evidence-based medicine and important contributors to
global medical research, Canadian physicians must help
to lead the necessary research and debates on change
within the health-care system.
117
They are critical partners
in ensuring quality, consistency, and availability of
services.
27
Medical associations in at least two provinces
have recognised the importance of system stewardship
in the practice of professionalism and have committed
to health system reform in collaboration with
governments.
118,119
The Canadian Medical Association’s
renewed strategic plan places patients at the core of its
mission.
120
And leaders in medical education have
embraced a social accountability mandate and are actively
working to train the “right mix, distribution, and number
of physicians to meet societal needs”.
121
This approach is a
model with potential broad international application.
The role of the public: patients, taxpayers, and citizens
It is not yet clear what mechanisms will emerge to alter
patient behaviours as the system evolves. An early example
of patients being encouraged to engage directly in system
stewardship is Choosing Wisely Canada. This clinician-led
campaign to address overuse of tests and treatments is
part of the international movement to reduce low-value
care.
122
The campaign oers four questions that patients
can ask to start a conversation with their health-care
provider about whether a test, treatment, or procedure is
necessary.
123
Users of services will also need to be willing to
participate in new models of care delivery that have been
shown to successfully reduce waits for specialty care.
These models will include those that are more team
focused than physician focused, and models centred
in comprehensive primary care with expanded scopes
of practice.
Public engagement and participation in health-care
policy require engagement with people as taxpayers, who
want value for money, and as citizens, who continue to
believe in the principle of equitable access to services. At
times, governments have assessed public support for
various reform options through the public consultations of
independent Royal Commissions or external advisory
panels, many of which are listed in panel 3. National Royal
Commissions are independent inquiries, invited through
the power of the Crown to investigate matters of national
import ance and characterised by extensive consultations
with the public.
124,125
Such commissions produce reports that are often
accused of gathering dust, but at times they can be
transformative in terms of public views and judgment,
eventually having a profound eect on government policy.
Some commissions even produce immediate change.
Despite admirable eorts by health-care providers on the
ground in Ontario and British Columbia to contain the
outbreak of severe acute respiratory syndrome (SARS) in
2003, a subsequent review highlighted long-ignored flaws
plaguing the system that were unmasked by the outbreak
and led to formation of the Public Health Agency of
Canada 1 year later.
126,127
As in the rest of the world, other models of citizen
engagement in public policy are being explored, but the
value of such initiatives is not yet known.
128
Citizens’
panels are becoming more common, such as one on
national Pharmacare in 2016.
129
Public support for and
participation in values-based, evidence-informed decision
making will be crucial to ensure financial sustainability
and to mitigate the risks of overprescribing in the area of
pharmaceutical policy.
Public engagement in health research—as seen, for
example, in the Canadian Institutes of Health Research-
funded Canada’s Strategy for Patient-Oriented Research—
incentivises each province and territory to identify
research priorities in collaboration with patients, and
must continue.
130
Public input of this kind should be
nurtured, since it can help policy makers to balance
the need for health system investment against other
social priorities.
Canadian lessons for a global world
Canada’s most important accomplishment by far has
been the establishment of universal health coverage,
which is free at the point of care, for medical and hospital
services. The preservation and enhancement of Medicare
are due largely to Canadians’ pride in caring for one
another—an expression of equity and solidarity that runs
core to Canadian values. Hinging on a social consensus
of equitable access to health care, the simplicity of the
system—no variable coverage, no means testing, and no
co-payments—is easy for Canadians to understand
and support.
But universal health coverage is an aspiration, not a
destination. All countries must continuously consider the
depth and scope of coverage that is politically achievable
and fiscally feasible. In Canada, that necessary work has
not been done for more than 40 years. The Canadian
experience thus oers a cautionary tale on incre mentalism.
In the absence of bold political vision and courage,
coverage expansion can be very dicult to achieve, with
the result that the Canadian version of universal health
coverage is at risk of becoming outdated.
A powerful mechanism such as a single-payer insurance
system is only as good as the willingness of system leaders
to use it for reform. In turn, reform requires a willingness
on the part of governments to pursue change, rather than
simply managing the status quo. Clear mechanisms
are lacking to consistently realign resources to meet
population needs, promote evidence-based care, reduce
variation, and contain costs. Health care is ultimately a
local aair, and no patient or provider wants the payer in
the examination room. However, much of the potential
benefit of a single-payer structure is lost when institutions
are independent, with little accountability. The potential of
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the system is further limited by the fact that physicians
function alongside but outside the system, rather than as
accountable participants through employment or other
contractual means. Co-stewardship and accountability
should be recognised as integral parts of payment systems
rather than avoided or grafted on afterwards.
Conclusion
When Tommy Douglas first established public health
insurance in Saskatchewan in the late 1940s, his goal was
to begin by creating insurance models that would
eliminate the financial barriers to care. He intended to
follow that with a second reform of health service delivery
that would focus on population health needs, with an
emphasis on the reform of delivery models and on the
social determinants of health.
131
His government, and
subsequent governments, provincially and federally,
managed to overcome fragmented institutional struc tures
and decentralisation of power to make the first stage of his
vision a reality, but not yet the second. To achieve that
second stage in the 21st century, determined action on the
social determinants of health and a joint eort by
governments, health-care providers, and the public in
achieving health system reform will be needed. With
bold political vision and courage, this ambitious goal is
within reach.
132
Contributors
All authors contributed to the formulation of the ideas in the manuscript
and the writing of initial drafts. All authors contributed to the literature
search and editing of the manuscript. APM, DM, and AQ-V contributed
to the figures. All authors reviewed and approved the final manuscript
before submission.
Declaration of interests
DM is currently an external adviser to the Government of Canada on a
review of pan-Canadian health organisations. NRC is a consultant for
the cancer strategy of British Columbia’s First Nations Health Authority
and co-director of the Centre for Excellence in Indigenous Health,
University of British Columbia (Vancouver, BC, Canada). GPM was
executive director of the Romanow Commission. We declare no other
competing interests.
Acknowledgments
We acknowledge funding from the McGill Observatory on Health and
Social Services Reforms and from the Canada Research Chair in Policies
and Health Inequalities (AQ-V) for maps developed by Tim Elrick and
Ruilan Shi at the McGill Geographic Information Centre, Montréal, QC,
Canada. We thank Ian McMillan and Leah Kelley for assistance with
references, formatting, and submission; Karen Palmer for assistance
with copy edits, critical review of the manuscript, and expertise
regarding the British Columbia court case; and Meb Rashid for his
expertise regarding migrant and refugee health issues.
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