1INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA)
“Mapping of Bangladeshs media landscape with a focus on youth,
women, and persons with disabilities with the objective of enhancing
their engagement in the country’s elections and political processes.
Conducted By
Prof. Sheikh Mohammad Shaul Islam, PhD
Lead Researcher
September 6, 2023
INFORMATION
ECOSYSTEM
ASSESSMENT (IEA)
INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA) 2
DISCLAIMER
The views expressed in this publication do not necessarily reect the views of the United
States Agency for International Development or United States Government.
3INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA)
Table of Contents
Executive Summary .............................................................................................................................. 8
Chapter One: The Study Settings ....................................................................................................13
1.1 Conceptual Underpinning: What is the Information Ecosystem Assessment? ..........13
1.2 Research Objectives ..................................................................................................................14
1.3 Study Methods and Materials .................................................................................................15
1.4 Survey Data Collection ..............................................................................................................16
1.5 Selection of Individual Respondents .....................................................................................18
1.6 Qualitative Approaches ............................................................................................................18
1.7 Data Gathering, Management and Analysis ........................................................................19
1.8 Study Limitations and Overcoming Strategies ...................................................................20
Chapter Two: IEA Findings ................................................................................................................ 21
2.1 Bangladesh Mediascape ..........................................................................................................21
2.2 Media Regulatory and Policy Frameworks ..........................................................................22
2.3 Community Access and Exposure to Media ......................................................................23
2.4 Barriers to Accessing Media ...................................................................................................28
2.5 Barriers to information during COVID-19 .............................................................................28
2.6 Preferred Communication Channels/Media on Elections and Politics .......................29
2.7 Communitys Preferred Formats of Media Content ..........................................................30
2.8 Perceptions on Media’s Role in Election, Accuracy and Impartiality............................31
2.9 Information Supply and Demand/Need ..........................................................................37
2.10 Community Trust in Media ...................................................................................................40
2.11 State of Mis-/disinformation, Hate Speech and Media Literacy ..................................44
Chapter Three: Conclusion and Recommendations ....................................................................57
Recommendations ...................................................................................................................58
Bibliography ......................................................................................................................................... 63
Annex 1 ................................................................................................................................................. 66
Annex 2 ................................................................................................................................................. 79
Endnotes ..............................................................................................................................................94
INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA) 4
List of Tables
Table 1. Target group sample distribution 17
Table 2. Respondent’s understanding of misinformation 44
Table 3. Subjects of misinformation 45
Table 4. Who spread misinformation (multiple responses)? 45
Table 5. Respondent’s understanding of disinformation. 46
Table 6. Who spread disinformation (multiple answers)? 46
Table 7. Rating respondent’s knowledge/understanding of mis-/disinformation 47
Table 8. Ability to identify mis-/disinformation. 47
Table 9. Rating respondent’s knowledge/understanding of mis-/disinformation by groups 48
Table 10. Ability to identify mis-/disinformation by groups 48
Table 11. Who spread hate (multiple responses) speech? 49
5INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA)
List of Figures
Figure 1: Distribution of sample as per division 17
Figure 2: Distribution of FGD Participants 18
Figure 3.1: Ownership of Electricity and Internet by groups 24
Figure 3.2: Ownership of Laptop and Desk Computer by groups 24
Figure 3.3: Ownership of Television and Radio by groups 24
Figure 3.4: Ownership of smart phones and button phones by groups 25
Figure 4: Percentage distribution of multiple responses on the types of barriers to access to the media 28
Figure 5: Percentage distribution of multiple responses on the use of media/channels to get infor-
mation on politics and election
29
Figure 6: Percentage distribution of multiple responses on preferred formats of media contents 30
Figure 7: Percentage distribution of the responses on media's fair coverage to help voters in
selecting candidates
31
Figure 8: Percentage distribution on perception of the media accuracy by the types of respondents 32
Figure 9: Percentage distribution on division wise perception of the respondents on the accuracy
of news media
33
Figure 10: Respondent’s perception of media impartiality 34
Figure 11: Percentage distribution on perception of news media’s impartiality by types of
respondents
34
Figure 12: Percentage distribution of the multiple responses on the reasons of perception of
media's unequal coverage
35
Figure 13 Reporters without Boarders World Press Freedom Index 36
Figure 14: Key Challenges of BD Media at a glance 37
Figure 15: A percentage comparison between the information that the respondents receive and
intend to receive
38
Figure 16: Percentage distribution of the multiple responses on community information needs 39
Figure 17: Division-wise distribution of percentages of multiple responses on information needs 39
Figure 18: Percentage distribution of the multiple responses on trusted media in getting political
and electoral news
41
Figure 19: Frequency distribution of responses on trusted online/social media platforms 41
Figure 20: Percentage distribution of the multiple responses on subjects of disinformation around
election
46
Figure 21: Percentage distribution of the multiple responses on subjects of hate speech 49
Figure 22: Percentage distribution of the multiple responses on media spreading mis-and
disinformation
50
Figure 23: Frequency distribution of the responses on top three social media sources of
disinformation
51
INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA) 6
Acknowledgement
The study titled ‘Information Ecosystem Assessment (IEA) — Mapping Bangladeshs media
landscape with a focus on youth, women, and persons with disabilities to enhance their
engagement in the country’s elections and political processes’ is carried out for Internews, a
not-for-prot organization working for the capacity building of the local media. The research
team is indebted to the communities, especially the youth, women, and people with disabil-
ities who kindly shared their perspectives on their media exposure and information needs
around election and politics. In addition, several journalists, youth leaders and civil society
organizations were open to discussing their experiences, opinions and suggestions with us.
We are very thankful to them. The study team would like to record deep gratitude towards the
Internews Bangladesh team as well as the international experts for their valuable guidelines
and insights.
The study ndings facilitate Internews Bangladesh to plan and implement a pragmatic course
of campaign activities for disseminating true and adequate information on election and poli-
tics that capacitate the target groups to choose their representatives. The study ndings will
help to design training and workshops for the media people covering elections and politics.
The ndings will also provide Internews and its partners with an overview of the state of mis/
disinformation and the level of awareness among communities. This will result in designing
future activities for diverse groups like civil society, youth, women leaders, local journalists,
etc., to combat the menace of mis/disinformation.
7INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA)
Acronym/Abbreviations
AAPOR The American Association for Public Opinion Research
BBS Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics
BNP Bangladesh Nationalist Party
CBO Community Based Organizations
CSO Civil Society Organization
CEPPS Consortium for Elections and Political Process Strengthening
DFP Department of Films and Publications
DG Director General
ED Executive Director
EVM Electronic Voting Machine
FGD Focus Group Discussion
GDP Gender Diverse People
IEA Information Ecosystem Assessment
IEC Information, Education and Communication
KII Key Informant Interview/Key Informant Interviewee
Mis-/Disinformation Misinformation and Disinformation
NGO Non-Government Organizations
PSU Primary Sampling Unit
PWD People with Disability
TG Target Group
INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA) 8
Executive Summary
Bangladesh is undergoing democratic deterioration despite its triumphant march towards
socio-economic progress. According to ‘Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem)’ Institute of Sweden,
the country is experiencing a decline in liberal and electoral democracy. Bangladesh is ranked
147th among 179 countries in the ‘Liberal Democracy Index’ and 131st in the ‘Electoral
Democracy Index’ down from the previous year.
1
The Freedom of the Press Index prepared
by ‘Reporters without Borders’ shows the country is backsliding, in 2023 Bangladesh ranked
163rd, out of 180 countries, down from 162nd in 2022.
2
One-party dominance, implementation
of the draconian Digital Security Act 2018, Ocial Secrecy Act 1923, the Penal Code 1860, and
other repressive colonial laws are a few obstacles to the pathways of democracy and media
freedom. The Bangladesh media is undergoing transitions in management and ownership,
change of audience, shifting technology, evolving internet-based media; the need for digital
skills to manage social media dynamics, and declining trend of press freedom.
In this context, Internews, an international non-prot organization, that contributes to empow-
ering local media and civil society to facilitate the ourishing of democracy and citizen rights,
has commissioned an Information Ecosystem Assessment (IEA) in Bangladesh with funding
support from the United States Agency for International Development (USAID). The overall
objective of the study is to understand Bangladeshs media landscape, analyze the target
groups’ i.e., the women, youth, and people with disabilities (PWD) media and information
consumption habits and needs particularly around political and electoral process, as well as
identify potential actors that focus on serving the information needs of the target groups and
map out the ow of disinformation. The assessment facilitates Internews and its partners to
better inform and engage Bangladesh citizens and civil society groups in elections and political
processes, through creating a healthy, dynamic, and transparent information environment that
will empower citizens to make better-informed decisions, bridge divides, participate eectively
in their communities, and hold power to account.
The IEA applies a mixed method approach incorporating a questionnaire survey on 480
respondents, including 293 women, 149 youth
3
and 38 PWDs. In addition, the team conducted
20 Focus Group Discussions (FGDs) with diverse groups consisting of youth, women, local
media, civil society, and marginalized groups; as well as 40 Key Informant Interviews (KIIs) to
capture qualitative perspectives of the communitys media exposure habits, their information
needs around the election, and the level of awareness on mis-/disinformation and hate speech.
9INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA)
Community access to media/ownership of devices: The survey reveals that 79% of respon-
dents possess a TV set, 85% smartphones, and 74% feature phones.
4
Only 14.6% of respon-
dents buy newspapers while radio and magazines are the least accessed media. Comparative
ownership of smartphones shows the youth have the highest rates with 96.6%, while 82%
women and 63% of PWDs own smartphones — depicting a disparity in terms of smartphone
ownership. Regarding challenges/barriers to access to media, about 62% of respondents
mentioned lack of access to quality internet; 21% report nancial insolvency, while 19.6%
note poor infrastructure and roads hinder communication.
5
Access to the internet: The IEA survey shows that 59% of youth, 50% of women, and 34%
of PWDs have regular connectivity — revealing a disparity in access for marginalized groups.
Access to social media: Youth have the highest use of online news portals and social media
with 61.7% and 83% respectively while 34% women use online news portals and 46% use
social media. Only 18% of PWDs use online news portals and 29% use social media as infor-
mation sources. This depicts a clear disparity for PWDs in use of the online news portals and
the social media. Of social media platforms/apps, Facebook is most widely used by survey
respondents at 68%, 65% extensively use YouTube, while WhatsApp and Imo are both used
by the 36% respondents, and TikTok by 27%.
Community exposure to media and contents: In terms of daily use, television is the most pop-
ular information source at 56% of responses, followed by social media with 45% of responses.
Out of the 170 participants, 35% used interpersonal communication channels.
6
Interpersonal
channels are favored by PWD (74%), women (60%), and youth (56%). KII and FGDs with local
journalists mention that across age, gender, and education, people prefer audio-visual content
such as short lms, dramas, documentaries, and promos.
Mis-/Disinformation: Only 36.5% of respondents understand the issue of misinformation, while
38% incorrectly dene the issues, and more than 25% do not know about the misinformation.
7
Conversely, about 58% respondents reported understanding the issue of disinformation. Of
the respondents, 46% view Facebook as the primary source of spreading mis-/disinformation.
According to FGDs and KIIs with media and CSOs, countering disinformation, misinformation,
and hate speech is still a new phenomenon to most of Bangladeshs civil society, and they
lack the skills and experience to deal with these issues. Only a few mainstream news media
conduct fact-checking training and workshops for their sta to help identify fake information.
The study reveals insucient election reporting, particularly the investigative ones, resulting
from journalists’ inadequate understanding of election reporting and dearth of support from
the media organizations.
INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA) 10
Fair coverage of political news:
Election and media: According to the IEA survey, 58% of people agree the media’s fair cov-
erage of political news can facilitate them to understand political issues and aairs well and
select their representative properly. However, media content is not fair all the time. According
to 68% respondents, the media does not provide equal coverage to all political leaders/elec-
toral candidates. Out of the respondents who perceive that media does not provide equal
coverage to candidates, more than 72% of responses point towards pressures from vested
interest groups and the news media’s political aliation. According to 77% of respondents,
television is the most trusted media for receiving political and electoral news, while the social
media platform, Facebook is preferred by 40% of respondents.
Media accuracy and impartiality: According to 69% of respondents, news media are ‘somewhat
accurate’ meaning there are gaps in terms of media accuracy. On the other hand, the news
media, in the view of 76% respondents, are ‘somewhat impartial’ in presenting the political and
electoral news. The FGD and KII ndings reveal that the dearth of skills, particularly in covering
in-depth election reports and fact-checking, along with the political aliation of the media
in Bangladesh and pressures from powerful groups (such as corporate elites, law-enforcing
agencies, and the government administration) as well as journalists’ own political ideology,
are the key factors hindering media accuracy and impartiality.
Media literacy: Basic literacy is considered a precursor to media literacy,
8
and according to
the Population and Housing Census 2022, the literacy rate in Bangladesh stands at approxi-
mately 75%.
9
With these statistics in mind, it is understandable that a signicant majority of
respondents (80%) rely on television as their primary source of information.
10
The KII ndings
further emphasize the severe lack of media literacy in Bangladesh, which is evident in the IEA
survey examining the level of awareness regarding the use of newly emerged social media
platforms and the prevalence of mis-/disinformation.
11INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA)
TG-based preferred media and info needs: At a glance
Who prefers? What media? How much?
Major info needs on
election
Television channels 80%
Safety and security,
especially for the women,
senior citizen and PWDs;
voting procedure using
EVM; punishment for viola-
tion of electoral rules; dis-
qualications for elections;
candidates’ qualities and
contributions to society.
Interpersonal
communication
channels/platforms
74%
Social media 83%
Conclusion
In Bangladesh, the news media is fractured and there is a lack of coordination. In general,
there are no standard practices for operational procedures and media management; rather
each media group has their own structure regarding recruitment, promotion, salary, and
fringe benets, which is a barrier to establishing industry standards that promote journalistic
professionalism.
11
In a more liberal atmosphere, the news media, serving as the watchdogs
for society, can generally play a role in the process of democratization. There is a strong link
observed between the political aliations of the news media and their content coverage.
Additional challenges to press freedom in Bangladesh include the pressures exerted by vested
interest groups such as religious extremists, corporations, ad agencies, law enforcement
agencies, restrictive laws, and power elites. These factors have contributed to an increase
in self-censorship, a lack of comprehensive editorial policy, and a prevailing commercial and
feudalistic mindset among most owners.
12
Easily accessible and with billions of users, social and digital media platforms are prime tar-
gets for spreading mis-/disinformation and hate speech, which sometimes spark violence and
lead to communal strife and disharmony, vandalism, attacks and even killings. In this reality,
fact-checking has become indispensable for both the media and civil society groups. However,
fact checking is still nascent in Bangladesh and requires training journalists in techniques and
tactics for tackling mis-/disinformation. The IEA nds that neither journalists nor civil society
members have the adequate knowledge or skills to fact check and properly manage emerging
issues of mis-/disinformation, hate speech, online violence, and cyber security. The IEA also
INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA) 12
reveals disparities in access and exposure to digital and social media, among marginalized
communities, including PWDs, women and religious minorities. The following recommenda-
tions seek to bridge these gaps in Bangladesh’s mediascape.
Recommendations
Internews, through its partners or in collaboration with the government organizations
like the Press Institute Bangladesh or with the Universities can arrange nationwide
capacity building training and workshops on fact-checking, election reporting, investi-
gative reporting, etc. for both journalists and the civil society.
Internews through its partners should form a strong advocacy group with a view to
repeal the objectionable clauses of the draconian laws like the Digital Security Act 2018
which is expected to be transformed to Cyber Security Act, Ocial Secrets Act 1923,
and the Penal Code 1860 that hinder investigative journalism in Bangladesh.
Internews through its partners/relevant government departments can produce audio-
visual contents around election i.e., voting procedure, citizen rights, safety and security
measures taken by the election commission for women and PWDs and disseminate
through mainstream news and social and digital media platforms to foster awareness
among the targeted groups.
Youth should be trained in media literacy and fact-checking to become social media
leaders capable of organizing peers and combating mis-/disinformation.
Internews, through its partners/relevant government departments, can encourage paid
ads and audio-visual content on election rules, procedures, code of conduct, safety
measures for women, PWDs, and senior citizens through popular social media, TV
channels, and group communication platforms.
Internews should coordinate with NGOs to identify best practices around PWDs access
to information and media literacy to bridge the gap of their access to media content.
Internews through it partners should hold dialogues with the mobile network operators
and their regulatory bodies to improve the networking system, and minimize the network
charges for the PWDs, women and other marginalized people.
Facilitate the establishment of a sustainable youth network focused on developing
media literacy skills, particularly in social and digital media so that they can contribute
to combatting mis-/disinformation and maintain communal harmony.
13INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA)
Chapter One:
The Study Settings
Democracy in Bangladesh is undergoing a transformation. Over the last decade, democratic
backsliding has prompted many citizens to disengage from formal politics. Although the
survey data suggests that many Bangladeshis are satised with development and economic
trends, other evidence shows that the public has become disinterested in politics and is losing
faith in political parties. Between 1991 and 2008, voter turnout during national elections rose
steadily to 87%, but has precipitously declined since 2008. Although data on voter turnout is
not readily available, nonpartisan estimates for voter turnout in the 2014 and 2018 elections
did not surpass 50%. The Bangladesh public’s disengagement from politics and elections,
particularly among youth, women, and PWD — along with the weakness of reform in both
parties — perpetuates the status quo.
Women face specic barriers to participating and advancing in politics. Women’s families often
actively discourage them from becoming involved in politics, and Bangladeshs violent and
corrupt politics deter many women from participating. In the last national election, 18 women
won in their constituencies and became the members of the Parliament.
13
In Bangladeshs
conservative religious society, politics is viewed as a male domain unsuitable for women.
Women that win seats or join political parties often face challenges in rising to leadership
positions. Male leaders often doubt womens political capacity and relegate women to minor
party positions. Together, these dynamics depress womens interest and participation in
politics, which has produced a political system dominated by male voices and perspectives.
1.1 Conceptual Underpinning: What is the
Information Ecosystem Assessment?
In this context, Internews, an international non-prot organization, working to support and
amplify the voice local media internationally, felt the need to have empirical database, as part
of its advocacy with the Consortium for Elections and Political Process Strengthening (CEPPS)
and its partners. As part of the USAID-funded NAGORIK project, Internews conducted an IEA
in Bangladesh. The IEA focused on youth, women, and people with disabilities who have lim-
ited access to information, especially regarding political and electoral processes. By adopting
a human-centered approach, Internews aimed to understand how communities in dierent
INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA) 14
local contexts discover, exchange, value, trust, and disseminate information.
This IEA examines information access, needs, and ows, identifying trust and inuence
among diverse populations. The goal is to create transparent information environments that
empower citizens, bridge divides, foster community participation, and promote accountability.
The objective of the IEA is to help Internews and CEPPs partners to 1) establish a baseline
study to evaluate the potential change resulting from activities; 2) adapt existing strategies and
design new activities; 3) inform future media development strategy; and 4) enhance citizen
engagement in elections and political processes.
Leveraging the ndings, Internews, in collaboration with CEPPS, aims to improve media
capacity in reporting electoral issues, combating disinformation, and disseminating relevant
information to target communities. By doing so, they can better uphold the people’s voice
and strengthen democracy in Bangladesh, while designing interventions to meet information
needs and amplify marginalized voices in democracy and elections.
1.2 Research Objectives
The major objectives of the IEA include:
Mapping Bangladeshs media landscape including legal frameworks, mobile and data
penetration, information providers, media outlets, ownership, funding, political inclina-
tion, and target audience.
Analyze the target groups media consumption habits and needs of the target group,
focusing on political and electoral processes, barriers to access information, and spe-
cic community information needs.
Identifying barriers to access to information among target groups identied by Internews,
for example mobile and/or internet penetration.
Pinpointing the dierences in needs and habits between the dierent target groups
mentioned above, in dierent areas in Bangladesh.
Contributing to developing key messages as part of media literacy campaigns.
Identifying potential actors that focus on serving the information needs of our target
groups. Identifying groups representing and working with youth, rural women and people
with disabilities, media outlets, local journalists, and information providers.
Mapping disinformation ows, analyze information delivery across diverse media
15INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA)
channels during elections, and examine how election-related disinformation spreads
online and oine.
Assessing community trust in media and communication channels, understanding their
impact on knowledge, attitudes, and practices, and identifying actors meeting the infor-
mation needs of target groups: youth, rural women, PWD, local journalists, and CSOs.
1.3 Study Methods and Materials
Internewss Information Ecosystem Assessment (IEA) is designed to identify how informa-
tion ows through communities. Whether it is by word of mouth, through trusted community
leaders, local media, social media and/or other “info-mediaries,” the point of doing such
assessments is to identify the most eective formats and channels to use when designing
two-way communication strategies and feedback loops to meet the identied information
needs. Information Ecosystem Assessments recognize that media outlets are just one source
of information in communities, and so they seek to understand local information ecosystems
more broadly from the point of view of the information consumer. An IEA assesses all the
factors that govern information needs, access, sourcing, movement, uptake and impact in an
ecosystem in much greater depth.
The research methodology employs a combined qualitative and quantitative approach,
examining the supply and demand aspects of media relevant to Bangladeshs elections. The
supply side analysis encompasses the national and community media landscape, evaluating
traditional and digital media, the media industry environment, legal regulations, and media
capabilities. In addition to assessing the capacity of media outlets, the study also focuses on
the communitys demand side of the information ecosystem, considering informal, cultural,
and social factors that impact information needs, access, sharing, trust, inuence, and infor-
mation literacy. These factors have the potential to disrupt or corrupt community information
ows through the spread of rumors, misinformation, and propaganda.
The research methodology applied is a combination of an interactive, action-oriented, do no
harm approach. Data collection followed ethical standards and allowed the equal participation
of male and female youth, adults, and people with disability, especially those in remote areas.
Initial data was collected through rigorous desk research, utilizing relevant literature, such as
media reports, research articles, the Preliminary Census Report 2022 from the Bangladesh
Bureau of Statistics, Bangladesh Labor Force Survey Reports, and relevant printed reports
and books. Findings from the desk review informed the research questions used informed
Key Informant Interviews (KII) and Focus Group Discussions (FGDs).
INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA) 16
Data was then gathered through a survey, FGD, and KII. The data collected facilitated eective
analysis, enabling the research team to triangulate and study the countrys information ow
and election-related information disorder. Internews and the partners jointly decided on the
criteria for the selection of the locations, considering the size of populations and the issues
around access to information. Internews, the IEA expert, and partners decided on the research
design and methodology together, putting into consideration both organizations’ experience
and history relevant to the local context and key issues.
1.4 Survey Data Collection
The team carried out a questionnaire survey. The survey adheres to a robust statistical stan-
dard
14
and includes a diverse sample size representing various regions, age groups, genders,
education and occupational backgrounds, income groups, and persons with disabilities. To
ensure diversity, the study team selected four divisions for assessment: Barishal, Chattogram,
Dhaka (the capital), and Mymensingh. Chattogram serves as the business capital and is the
second largest division, Mymensingh is the newest division with low literacy rates, and Barishal
is a coastal zone with diverse geographic, socio-economic, and demographic characteristics.
According to the preliminary report on the 2022 population and housing census by the
Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics (BBS), the selected divisions have a total of 497,73,981 women,
217,11,390 youth, and 12,541, 77 persons with disabilities (PWD). Women constitute 50% of
the total population, while the exact demographic information for youth (aged 18-29) is not
available but estimated to be around 22%. Persons with disabilities make up less than 2% of
the population. The sample population for the survey was 328 for women, 143 for youth, and
only 9 for PWD. To account for the small number of PWD, their population was adjusted by
allocating 10% of the total sample size from the women category, resulting in a total of 42.
After adjustment, the sample sizes for each category are as follows:
Two IEA data enumerators were captured during conducting sample surveys at Dighinala Upazila of
Khagrachari district under Chittagong Hill Tracts. Internews/Niloy Chakrobarty
17INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA)
Table 1. Target group sample distribution
Planned Covered
TG Category Number Percent Number Percent
Women 295 61% 293 61%
Youth 143 30% 149 31%
Persons with disability (PWD) 42 9% 38 8%
Total 480 100.0 480 100.0
The survey utilized a multi-staged sampling approach, with sample sizes proportionate to each
locations size. Starting at the national level, sampling progressed through divisions, districts,
sub-districts (upazilas), unions, and villages. Among the 480 respondents, the largest group
(211 or 44%) hailed from Dhaka division, followed by 164 (34%) from Chattogram division, 58
(12%) from Mymensingh division, and 47 (10%) from Barishal division. Each division had two
selected districts-the divisional district itself and another district considering the factors like
distance, urban and rural characteristics.
Figure 1. Distribution of sample as per division
Dhaka Chattogram Barishal Mymensingh
120
126
65
20
104
49
11
27
17
3
36
18
4
90
60
30
Woman
Youth
Person with disability
INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA) 18
1.5 Selection of Individual Respondents
For eective data collection, the research team faced the challenge of determining the start-
ing point for data collection in each primary sampling unit (PSU), which encompassed a large
area such as a village or ward. Enumerators were instructed to locate the center of the PSU
and visit every fth house to nd suitable respondents, following specic criteria outlined in
the data collection matrix. If the desired respondents were unavailable, the data collectors
proceeded to the next house. In urban areas with high population density, every 10th apart-
ment was surveyed to identify potential participants, especially in cities like Dhaka. To ensure
random sampling, PWDs were excluded, as they represented only 1.4% of the population in
Bangladesh. Locating PWDs posed a signicant challenge, and to overcome this, strategies
such as snowball sampling and reaching out to Union Parishad (UP) members and other
acquaintances were employed to identify suitable participants.
Figure 2. Distribution of FGD participants
1.6 Qualitative Approaches
To gain insights into the communitys media consumption habits, election-related information
needs, social media usage, media literacy, and perceptions of media accuracy and impartiality,
a comprehensive research approach was adopted. This included conducting 20 FGDs and
40 KIIs. While surveys were conducted in-person, some FGDs and KIIs took place virtually
through platforms like Zoom and Google Meet. The FGDs encompassed ve distinct groups:
youth, women, marginalized individuals, journalists, and CSOs, with each group having their
5
10
15
Youth Women Marginalized Journalist CEO
11
10 10 10 10 10
11 11
15 15
9 9
7
6
7 7
88
9
16
Dhaka Chattogram Barishal Mymensingh
19INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA)
own designated FGD. A total 199 participants, including 51 youth, 36 women, 35 marginalized
individuals, 39 journalists, and 38 CSO representatives participated in the FGDs (Figure 2).
KIIs were conducted with media experts, CSOs, Government ocials, and women activists,
ensuring a diverse range of perspectives were included in the research.
1.7 Data Gathering, Management
and Analysis
Data was gathered using a systematic random sampling procedure, employing pre-designed
questionnaires, and supervised by team leader and supervisors. Questionnaires, notes, and
audio recordings from FDGs and KIIs were securely stored and coded. The research team
diligently checked and veried the data, correcting any errors. SPSS (Statistical Package for
Social Science) was used for data analysis, determining frequency, percentage, and categorical
values. Graphs and charts were generated from numerical ndings for inclusion in the report.
Qualitative data that emerged from FGDs and KIIs was thematically analyzed. The team devel-
oped codes and identied dominant themes, relationships, and patterns through a systematic
review. The ndings were compared with existing literature and quantitative survey data to
ensure comprehensive analysis. The team manually labeled concepts and organized the data
to complement the survey ndings. Direct quotations were highlighted to ensure accurate
representation. The resulting insights were presented in the study report, supplemented, and
complemented by the questionnaire survey, providing a comprehensive understanding of the
research topic.
The American Association for Public Opinion Research has developed a set of comprehensive
ethical standards (revised in April 2021)
15
for carrying out social surveys of which a few key
principles were followed to deal with the personally identiable information (PII):
Recognizing the right of participants to be provided with honest and forthright information
about how personally identiable information that we collect from them will be used.
Recognizing the importance of preventing unintended disclosure of personally identi-
able information. We acted in accordance with all relevant best practices, laws, regu-
lations, and data owner rules governing the handling and storage of such information.
Avoiding disclosing any information that could be used alone or in combination with
other reasonably available information, to identify participants with their data (name,
position, and any identiable information), without participant’s permission.
INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA) 20
1.8 Study Limitations and Overcoming
Strategies
The study has some limitations of which the major ones include the followings:
The extreme cold delayed data collection in Chattograms hilly region. The research team
included enumerator from the hilly region having very good understanding of the local
weather and environment who visited respondents when the weather was favorable.
Diculty arose in nding suitable PWD and women respondents. Snowball sampling
procedure was a useful technique to reach the expected respondents. Moreover,
local opinion leaders and better-informed people supported to locate the expected
respondents.
Some FGD and KII participants expressed concern or declined to participate in the
study due to the sensitive nature of the subject. More motivation and persuasion were
needed along with assurance of maintaining their identity as condential.
Data collectors faced rejection and were barred from entering certain areas. Local
contact persons helped to provide access to them.
Being unique and diverse in nature, the study should have covered more samples from
more regions for better capturing data in a more comprehensive way.
The subject of the study is very new in Bangladesh with people generally lacking
understanding, particularly regarding certain terms and topics like mis-/disinformation,
fact-check, etc.
The survey was conducted in four divisions on 480 participants. Including more divisions
and sample population would facilitate more comprehensive data. However, qualitative
data were supportive to understand the situation eectively.
21INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA)
Chapter Two: IEA Findings
2.1 Bangladesh Mediascape
Bangladeshs media landscape has witnessed a signicant shift towards private management,
resulting in a predominance of inuential outlets owned by politically aliated corporations.
While the country enjoys a wealth of news media, it is primarily urban-centered, male-dom-
inated, and controlled by corporate entities inuenced by the power elites. This transfer of
media ownership took place under various political administrations, enabling corporate elites
to acquire licenses and consolidate control. Bangladesh has four state-owned television
channels, 45 private television channels, 28 FM and 32 community radio stations, 1,248 daily
newspapers, and more than 100 online news portals.
16
According to the Department of Film and Publications report on enlisted media (dated 08
September 2022), Chattogram metropolitan city has three English dailies and 16 Bangla dailies,
along with one state-run Bangladesh Radio and Television and a sub-station of Channel 24,
one of the news-based corporate owned television stations. In contrast, Dhaka has 37 English
dailies and 217 Bangla dailies, along with one state-run radio and three TV channels, and 45
corporate owned television stations. It is note-worthy that the community radio stations are
primarily supported by the donors and development partners.
17
Although the media sector
is predominantly male, there has been a recent increase in visibility of female journalists in
satellite TV channels and newspapers.
18
In Bangladesh, TV channels can be classied into two types: general entertainment channels
(GEC) with a focus on general entertainment and news-based channels featuring hourly news
bulletins. Among the 45 satellite TV channels, 35 are in operation currently, of which 21 are
mixed and nine are news-based. Additionally, there are ve specialized channels dedicated to
music, kids’ issues, infotainment, business and sports.
19
These channels are owned by inu-
ential corporate entities. For instance, the news-based channel ‘Independent TV’ is owned by
the Beximco Group, while the ‘News24’ channel is owned by the Bashundhara Group. Similarly,
leading newspapers and FM radio stations are also owned by corporations. For example, the
Transcom Group, known for its business interventions in electronics and food and beverage,
owns popular Bangla and English dailies like ‘Prothom Alo’ and ‘Daily Star,’ as well as ‘ABC’
radio; the Hameem Group, specializing in textiles and clothing, owns the prominent newspaper
‘Samakal’ and news-based ‘Channel24;’ and the Jamuna Group, involved in textiles, chemicals,
and constructions, runs the leading daily ‘Jugantor’ and ‘Jamuna TV.
20
Media academics and
INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA) 22
researchers criticize corporate ownership of media houses for exerting signicant control
over content, neglecting coverage of corporate malpractices and power elite corruption, and
protecting vested interest groups through self-censorship.
21 22
2.2 Media Regulatory and
Policy Frameworks
The media landscape in Bangladesh is characterized by strict laws and regulations that are seen
as oppressive and restrictive to freedom of expression. The existing regulatory framework for
radio and television is guided by out-dated laws and policies that fail to adapt to the evolving
media landscape. Several laws, such as The Telegraph Act (1885), The Wireless Telegraphy
Act (1933), and the Bangladesh Telecommunications Regulatory Commission Act 2001, govern
the radio and television industry. Print and broadcast media content is regulated by a diverse
set of laws, including censorship codes and provisions outlined in legislations such as The
Penal Code (1860), The Code of Criminal Procedure (1898), The Contempt of Court Act (1926),
and the Printing Presses and Publications (Declaration and Registration) Act passed in 1973,
which regulates newspaper and book publication. Additionally, the Bangladesh Television,
Film Censor Guidelines, and Rules (1985) dictate content regulations for television and lms.
23
However, the management and operations of satellite TV channels, online news portals, and
social and digital media platforms lack comprehensive legislation and policies. Despite some
pending laws and policies i.e., Online Mass Media Policy (draft),
24
there is currently no com-
prehensive framework to address these new platforms.
The Ministry of Information, in collaboration with Bangladesh Telecommunications Regulatory
Commission (BTRC) holds the authority for licensing and frequency control. The BTRC Act
2001 provides guidelines for spectrum allocation to licensed operators for establishing TV
stations.
25
FM radio broadcasting licenses are issued by the Ministry of Information, and
frequency assignments follow the National Frequency Allocation Plan. The government intro-
duced the Community Radio Installation, Transmission, and Operation Guideline in 2008 to
facilitate localized information services. Terrestrial broadcasting is exclusively designated for
Bangladesh Television (BTV), a state-owned entity, while private TV channels rely on satellite
broadcasting.
26
Private radio stations operate through FM broadcasting licenses issued by
the Ministry of Information.
The Digital Security Act (DSA) 2018 is widely seen as a signicant threat to freedom of
23INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA)
expression due to its excessive empowerment of law-enforcing agencies. Section 43 of the act
allows an investigation ocer to conduct searches, seizures, and arrests without a warrant.
It states that if a police ocer believes that an oense under the act is being committed, or if
evidence is at risk of being lost, destroyed, altered, or made unavailable, they may, upon record
-
ing their belief in writing, take the following measures: (a) enter and search the place, using
necessary measures if obstructed; (b) seize computers, computer systems, networks, data, or
other materials used in the oense; (c) search the body of any person present; and (d) arrest
any person suspected of committing an oense under the act.
27
Consequently, investigative
journalism has faced signicant limitations due to the frequent harassment and punishment
of journalists under the DSA, targeting reports disliked by the authorities or the masterminds.
The Right to Information Act 2009
28
is the result of a long-standing civil society campaign
advocating for the free ow of information to the public. This act stands out from other laws
as it empowers the people to hold authorities accountable by allowing them to apply this law
against the state. It signies a paradigm shift, granting individuals the right to access infor-
mation and ensuring transparency. While the act recognizes the citizens right to information,
certain exceptions exist, such as information pertaining to foreign policy or condential infor-
mation received from foreign governments. Additionally, state-run institutions, particularly law
enforcement agencies, are exempted from providing information upon request.
2.3 Community Access and Exposure
to Media
Access to information is highly inuenced by, among others, literacy rate, access to electricity,
access to internet connectivity, and ownership of the devices. Findings from the literature
review shows, Bangladesh has a diverse population of 159,453,001 (July 2018 est.) residing in
rural, semi-urban, and urban areas, with 36.6% living in urban regions.
29
So, the demographic
structure suggests two broad categories of media audiences in the country. There are 80
million adults (age 15+) audiences against 80 million in the urban areas, primarily Dhaka and
Chattogram.
30
The adult literacy rate in Bangladesh was reported at 74% in 2018, with 82% of
urban and 67% of rural populations being literate according to Bangladesh Statistics 2019.
31
However, the multiple indicator cluster survey in 2019 revealed a higher literacy rate of 89%
among individuals aged 15-24.
32
In terms of access to electricity, the IEA survey nds a substantial 92% of respondents reported
having an electricity connection, highlighting widespread availability. Regarding internet
INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA) 24
connectivity, 59% of youth respondents reported having an internet connection, whereas 50%
of women and 34% of PWDs had access to the internet, indicating a lower rate among PWDs.
Of the total sample population, 67% were from the rural area while the remaining 33% were
from the urban areas. Given this context, 76% urban respondents possess internet connection
while 39% rural respondents possess the same.
Figure 3.1. Ownership of Electricity and Internet by groups
Figure 3.2.
Ownership of Laptop and Desk Computer by groups
Radio, desktop computers, and laptops were less commonly owned devices accounting for less
than 10% of all responses, suggesting that they are less frequently used for accessing information
10
20
30
31%
16%
19%
5% 5%
11%
Youth Women
Person with
disability
Laptop
Desktop Computer
82%
3%
77%
3%
5%
79%
20
40
60
80
Youth Women
Person with
disability
Television Radio
Figure 3.3.
Ownership of Television and Radio by groups
Youth Women Person with disability
20
40
60
80
100
Electricity Internet
59%
92%
50%
34%
87%
97%
25INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA)
compared to television and mobile phones.
In terms of communication and media-re-
lated devices, the survey found that 79%
of respondents (on average) owned a TV
set, emphasizing its prevalence among
the population. The smart phones reached
are owned by more than 80% respondents
against the use of button mobile sets by
77.6 % respondents. In terms of possess-
ing smart phones, the PWDs are the most
laggards while the youth are in advanced
position.
Among daily users, as shown in (Annex 2: Table 13) Television channels emerge as the most
utilized media, with 270 responses (56%). This is in line with the ndings from literature review.
According to estimates from the cable operators’ association and private channels association,
the cable network in Bangladesh has reached approximately 84% of households.
33
A national
media survey indicated that televisions had 80% audiences in 2017.
34
Findings from the ‘News Literacy Survey’ conducted by MRDI in 2020 reveal that television
channels serve as the primary source of news for 75% of the population while digital news
media (such as Facebook, online news portals, and other social media platforms) account for
16% of the audience’s primary news sources. Television channels have a signicant advan-
tage in terms of viewership due to their audio-visual nature. Studies and observations suggest
that both male and female viewers opt for TV news and programs, while middle-aged literate
audiences primarily rely on newspapers. This medium eectively communicates messages
to individuals with limited or no formal education. With approximately one-fourth of the pop-
ulation being illiterate, newspapers hold little relevance for them. Instead, they heavily rely on
television for information, education, and entertainment.
Digital media is the second most accessed media. The ndings from the FGDs and KIIs indi-
cate a rapid shift in media consumption habits, with audiences increasingly transitioning from
traditional news media like newspapers, radio, and TV to online-based social media platforms
and news portals. As smartphones become more accessible, users are connecting their
devices to the internet for news, information, and entertainment. Over the last two decades,
the government’s ‘Digital Bangladesh’ campaign has driven media expansion, particularly
Youth Women
Person with
disability
20
100
40
60
80
Smart Phone Button Phone
97%
71%
73%
89%
82%
63%
Figure 3.4. Ownership of smart phones and button
phones by groups
INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA) 26
in digital and social media. Social and digital media have experienced spontaneous growth
primarily driven by individual users and the increasing availability of smartphones.
Kemp, S. (13 February 2023) citing GSMA intelligence reports, there were about 180 million
cellular mobile connections in Bangladesh at the start of 2023 and about 45 million social
media users in January 2023. It is also mentioned that there were 66.94 millioninternet users
in Bangladesh in January 2023. Kemp’s analysis shows that internet users in Bangladesh
increased by 691 thousand (+1.0%) between 2022 and 2023.
35
Today, almost all the leading newspapers, TV channels, and radio stations have web portals,
Facebook pages, Twitter accounts and YouTube channels. Some newspapers outside of the
capital have their online news portals and e-versions too. This popularity of digital and social
media is particularly true in big cities like Dhaka and Chattogram. As shown in (Annex 2: Table
13.b.) online news portals are used signicantly more in Dhaka than other divisions at 54%.
While Chattogram has the lowest TV use at 74% but the highest social media use at 63%, while
the others average 53%. According to a male key informant in Chattogram, there is a decline
in people’s interest in reading newspapers due to the growing availability of internet-based
news media.
IEA survey nds that, young populations heavily depend on digital and social media platforms
for news and entertainment. The MRDI survey report highlights that “young adults were almost
70% more likely to choose digital news sources. This is also likely because most smartphones
owners are young adults. As IEA survey nds, a signicant 85% of respondents possessed
smartphones, while 74% had feature phones in addition to smartphones. However, when
analyzing smartphone ownership, the survey revealed that youth had an impressive 97%
ownership rate, 82% of women owned smartphones, and PWDs lagged at 63% (Figure 3.4).
As shown in (Annex 2: Table 13), the use of various media and communication channels/
platforms by respondents is depicted, highlighting the extent of their exposure. Among daily
users, as shown in (Annex 2: Table 13) social media is the second largest media utilized, with
217 responses (45%), while interpersonal communication channels/platforms and online news
portals garner 170 responses (35%) and 144 responses (30%) respectively. Facebook is the
most used social media platform in Bangladesh, with 68% of respondents indicating its usage.
YouTube follows closely behind, with 65% of respondents using the platform. WhatsApp and
Imo are utilized by 36% of respondents, while TikTok is used by 27%. In contrast, the usage
of Instagram and Twitter is relatively low, with only 18% and 13.5% of respondents using
these platforms respectively. Additionally, 29% of respondents reported using news apps or
27INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA)
websites (Annex 2: Table 30).
With approximately one-fourth of the population being illiterate, newspapers hold little rele-
vance for them. Newspapers serve 8% of the audience, while the radio caters to only 0.3%
as their main news sources. Studies and observations suggest that both male and female
viewers opt for TV news and programs, while middle-aged literate audiences primarily rely on
newspapers. Radio, being a traditional medium, is experiencing a decline in listenership daily,
largely due to the popularity of television channels and the emergence of social and digital
media platforms. As shown in (Annex 2: Table 13), IEA survey nds daily newspapers and radio
received 37 (8%) and 8 responses (≤ 2%) respectively, while daily news magazines receive
the least attention among daily users, with only ve responses (1%). However, as shown in
(Annex 2: Table 13.b.) in remote and hilly area like Mymensingh, where satellite channels are
less accessible to many due to limited television and cable network availability, the newspa-
pers are more preferred as 36% read the same. One male KII noted in Chattogram hill tract
region, “One who has no internet access but [is literate] still tries to get printed newspapers
if available especially in the hilly areas.
Another factor inuencing access to media and information are community mobility and soci-
etal acceptance. KIIs conducted with gender-diverse populations revealed that transgender
individuals face diculties in accessing information due to societal stigma and discrimination.
However, the study found that interpersonal and group interactions are eective channels for
information exchange within this community. FGD ndings from marginalized communities,
including religious and occupational minorities, also indicated challenges in accessing infor-
mation. Women and the PWDs are especially lagging in terms of using daily newspapers, online
news portals and the social media platforms. The PWDs are more dependent on interpersonal
communication channels as almost 74% responses reveal their stance while this channel is
preferred by 55.7% youth and 59.7% women (Annex 2: Table 13.a.). Additionally, IEA survey
also nds that interpersonal communication is most popular in Barishal at 83%, compared to
an average of 58% across other divisions (Annex 2: Table 13.b.). Mahmud (2008) states that the
lifestyles of Barishal people are somewhat dierent due to their river-based communication.
Naturally, the people in this region prefer communal activities, like fairs and boatrace. One of
the KIIs, a male teacher from the Department of Journalism at Barishal University, expressed
that these factors, along with their local hospitality and communal approach to responding to
natural disasters, contribute to fostering an environment reliant on interpersonal communication.
INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA) 28
2.4 Barriers to Accessing Media
In Bangladesh, people encounter pragmatic barriers that hinder their access to various forms
of media. These barriers limit audience exposure and can encompass diverse aspects. The
IEA survey reveals that most respondents face barriers to watching television, accessing social
media content and online news portals. When it comes to barriers to media access, the sur-
vey found that 62% of respondents cited poor or lack of internet network as a major obstacle.
Financial insolvency was mentioned by 21% of respondents, while 20% faced challenges
related to poor infrastructure and road communication, and more than 16% of respondents
attributed their diculties to the remoteness of their locality (Figure 4).
Figure 4. Percentage distribution of multiple responses on the types of barriers to access to the media
2.5 Barriers to information during
COVID-19
During COVID-19 pandemic from 2020 to 2022, Bangladesh faced signicant challenges in the
coverage and dissemination of information. The country ranked fth globally in terms of COVID-
19-related deaths among journalists, as reported by the Press Emblem Campaign (PEC 2020).
By November 2020, over a thousand journalists in Bangladesh were infected with COVID-19,
and 37 had tragically passed away (Anik, Dhaka Tribune, November 9th, 2020).
36
As a result
of the pandemic, people increasingly relied on television and online news portals for informa-
tion and entertainment, leading to a decline in demand for printed newspapers. However, as
the reliance on internet-based communication platforms increased, people faced diculties
Poor or lack of internet network
Financial limitation
Poor infrastructure and road communication
Remote area
No response
Others [Load shedding, unavailable]
Illiteracy
Socio-cultural and religious impediment
Aural-visual imparity/problem
61.9%
20.8%
19.6%
16.7%
17.9%
10%
5.8%
5.2%
1.5%
29INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA)
obtaining information due to network congestion. Women in Bangladesh, as identied by KII
and FGD respondents, have limited opportunities to seek information independently due to
their traditional household responsibilities. Instead, they heavily rely on family members, such
as fathers, husbands, brothers, and relatives, for information, particularly on matters related
to elections and politics. KII also highlighted that PWDs face challenges in media literacy and
require specic techniques to access media content. Depending on the type of disability, for
instance, individuals with blurred vision or blindness rely on audio formats as they cannot
read newspapers.
2.6 Preferred Communication Channels/
Media on Elections and Politics
Community use of media to get information on election
and politics
When it comes to obtaining political and election-related information, television emerged as
the primary source for over 75% of respondents, followed by interpersonal communication
channels, which is the most trusted source and 68% rely on. Social media platforms have
gained popularity, with about 54% of respondents using them. In contrast, more than 38% of
respondents turn to online news portals, while approximately 14% still rely on printed daily
newspapers (Figure 5). These ndings closely align with recent studies conducted by MRDI,
37
emphasizing the evolving media landscape and the increasing inuence of television, social
media, and online platforms in providing information on politics and elections.
Figure 5. Percentage distribution of multiple responses on the use of media/channels to get information
on politics and election
Television channels
Interpersonal communication channels
Social media
Online news portals
Daily newspapers (print)
Other [Miking, Poster]
News magazine (print)
Radio
No response
75.8%
68.3%
53.8%
38.5%
13.8%
4.2%
1.5%
1.2%
0.6%
INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA) 30
When it comes to interpersonal communication, 77% of respondents trust family members,
friends, and relatives as the most reliable sources for political and electoral news. Community
opinion leaders were mentioned by 67% of respondents, followed by elected representatives,
government authorities, and civil society organizations (Annex 2: Table 5).
2.7 Community’s Preferred Formats of
Media Content
Most respondents, 82.5%, expressed a preference for audio-visual content such as short lms,
dramas, and documentaries. KIIs of local journalists conrmed that people found audio-visual
content easily understandable and entertaining. Additionally, 42% of respondents favored
narrative written formats like reports, articles, and editorials. The data also revealed that 27%
of respondents preferred interview and dialogue-based content, indicating a growing interest
in conversational media formats like debate, dialogue, and podcasts etc. featuring insights
from experts. Additionally, 11% favored visual content, suggesting that visuals alone may not
fully engage audiences. These ndings reect changing audience preferences, with audio-vi-
sual formats being popular. However, written content, interview/dialogue-based content, and
cultural/traditional media content continue to hold value in the industry (Figure 6).
Figure 6. Percentage distribution of multiple responses on preferred formats of media contents
In addition to traditional and new media, 32% of respondents were drawn to folk/indigenous
media content, such as stage dramas, folk songs, and group performances. Bangladesh
possesses a rich cultural heritage of folk and indigenous media, which continues to play
a signicant role in rural entertainment. Folk media forms like jaree gann, sari gann, kobir
Audio-visual
Narrative written/text
Folk/indigenous media
Interview and dialogue
Animation and motion graphics
Others: [Reality show, Web series]
Graphics, pictorials and sketch form
No response
82.5%
68.3%
32.3%
41.9%
27.3%
11%
9.4%
3.8%
1.9%
31INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA)
lorai, puppet shows, and street and stage dramas like ganbhira, vatiali, and gazir geet enjoy
popularity in various regions. Despite facing competition from television, social media, and
digital platforms, some folk media, like Gambhira, a regional performing song from Rajshahi,
still resonate with the people nationwide. A trend observed is the dissemination of folk media
content through television, social media, and digital platforms, employing a “media mix” and
“media integration approach” to distribute information in an “infotainment” format.
2.8 Perceptions on Media’s Role in
Election, Accuracy and Impartiality
2.8.a The Media’s Role in Elections
Media’s signicant role in raising awareness about civil rights and related issues has been
widely acknowledged. According to the survey, 59% of respondents believe that fair cover-
age of political news aids in better understanding of their concerns and enables informed
choices while selecting representatives. ‘Fair media coverage’ is described by FGD and KII
respondents as accurate, balanced, and impartial presentation of political events, issues, and
election aairs (Figure 7).
Figure 7. Percentage distribution of the responses on media’s fair coverage to help voters in
selecting candidates
The role of media in inuencing voter decisions is a topic of concern. According to the KII
ndings, media outlets often promote the image of their favored candidates, which raises
questions about their neutrality. One of the male key informants, a civil society member in
Chattogram hill tracts opine, “No one speaks due to the regional political inuence and the
Fully agree Agree Neither agree
nor disagree
Disagree Fully disagree
No answer
43%
27%
11%
2% 2%
10
20
30
27%
INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA) 32
TV, radio and online news portals aren’t useful...There blows a wind of voting for a particular
candidate and the mass people follow and oat on that stream of wind...Personal assessment
plays more role than the media in taking decision to vote.
The IEA reveals signicant gaps in media coverage of politics and election. One of the senior
male journalist leaders in Dhaka said, “Media don’t adequately investigate the process and
preparation of national election, role of the election commission, inuence of the power elites
in election, use of black money to inuence the voters, role of the state authorizes and so on.
2.8.b Overall Perceptions of Media Accuracy
Overall, 69% of respondents perceive the Bangladesh media as ‘somewhat accurate,’ while
15% consider it ‘accurate’ (Annex 2: Table 26). On par with the overall ndings, youth (76.5%),
women (66%), and PWDs (69%) all agreed that the media stories are ‘somewhat accurate,
while only 1% of youth and women, and 3% of PWD considered news stories to be ‘very accu-
rate’ (Figure 8).
Figure 8. Percentage distribution on perception of the media accuracy by the types of respondents
2.8.c Perceptions of Media by Division
When examining respondents by division, in Dhaka, about 80% considered the media to be
‘somewhat accurate, while in Chattogram and Barishal, 57% and 60% of respondents held the
same perception, respectively. In Mymensingh, 74% reported a similar view of media accuracy.
80
60
40
20
Very accurate Accurate Somewhat
accurate
Inaccurate Very
inaccurate
No response
Youth (n=149)
Woman (n=293)
Person with disability (n=38)
1 10.7
3 3 3
10
19
76.5
66
69
11 11
9
0.3 0.5
8 8
33INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA)
Notably, respondents in Barishal were more critical, with 17% considering the media ‘inaccu-
rate,’ compared to roughly 15%, 13%, and 6% of respondents in Mymensingh, Chattogram, and
Dhaka, respectively (Figure 9). These ndings suggest that media outlets outside of Dhaka and
Chattogram are perceived as more inaccurate. It is worth noting that Dhaka and Chattogram,
being the two largest cities, house most mainstream daily newspapers, local newspapers, TV
stations, and online portals, which are developed to a higher professional standard compared
to those in the outskirts.
Figure 9. Percentage distribution on division wise perception of the respondents on the accuracy of news
media
The FGD and KII ndings highlight the signicance of professional journalistic practice for
media accuracy, emphasizing factors such as skilled journalists, proper news coverage, and a
conducive working environment. One of the male key informants, who is a government ocial
in Dhaka expressed: “Inaccurate reports, especially on the election, are the products of some
untrained journalists who even can’t interview an election commissioner properly due to the
dearth of knowledge on election-related rules, laws, and regulations, the role of the election
commission and other administrative organs during the election.
Interestingly, unlike other professions that require specialized knowledge and formal clearance,
the KII ndings in Dhaka indicate that the media in Bangladesh lacks a policy to exclusively
recruit journalists with academic backgrounds in media, communication, and journalism
which causes fundamental gaps in understanding of journalistic ethics, principles, style, and
structures.
80
60
40
20
Very accurate Accurate Somewhat
accurate
Inaccurate Very
inaccurate
No response
Dhaka (n=211)
Chattogram (n=164)
Barishal (n=47)
Mymensingh (n=58)
1 1
0 0 0 0 0
2
1 1
2
12
6
13
17
15
20
21
9
8
80
74
60
57
INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA) 34
2.8.d Media Impartiality
According to the ndings from
KIIs and FGDs, the media mostly
demonstrate impartiality when
covering non-political events
and issues. When it comes to
political and electoral news,
bias becomes evident, as KII
respondents acknowledge that
media coverage during elec-
tions tends to favor preferred
candidates, while media spon-
sorship hinders impartiality.
A senior male journalist in Chattogram laments, “Impartial journalism is not possible due to
media ownership. Journalists, despite their intentions, are unable to expose corporate mal-
practices. Media lack the freedom to exercise self-censorship and often present only one side
of the story.Another KII revealed, “Media in Bangladesh prioritize protecting the corporate
interests of specic individuals.
Figure 11. Percentage distribution on perception of news media’s impartiality by types of respondents
This is further reected in the IEA survey. In terms of presenting the political and electoral
news reports, 76% of respondents, perceived the Bangladesh media as ‘somewhat impartial’
while 10% viewed as ‘impartial, and 11% as ‘not impartial’ (Figure 10). This aggregation was
Figure 10. Respondent’s perception of media impartiality
Highly impartial
Impartial
Somewhat impartial
Not impartial
Not impartial at all
No response
0.4
2.7
10.6
0.8
9.6
75.8%
No response
Not impartial at all
Not impartial
Somewhat impartial
Impartial
Highly impartial
Youth (n=149) Woman (n=293) Person with disability (n=38)
35INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA)
reected by youth, women and PWD, with youth leaning more towards slightly impartial at
13% and women seeing the news as more impartial (Figure 10 & 11).
The lack of impartiality is also manifested in the coverage of political leaders or electoral can-
didates. In line with the ndings on respondent’s perception of media impartiality, IEA survey
nds, 68% of respondents believe that news media in Bangladesh do not provide equal cov-
erage to political leaders or electoral candidates. Only 11% feel that the coverage is unbiased,
while 21% are unsure or don’t have an opinion on the matter (Annex 2, table 23). The reasons
behind this disparity in news media coverage of political candidates vary. Respondents cited
both pressures from vested interest groups and the political aliation of the news media as
the primary factors, each receiving over 72% of responses. Additionally, concerns about losing
revenues were mentioned by over 20% of respondents, while other reasons were mentioned
by more than six% of respondents. (Figure 12).
Figure 12. Percentage distribution of the multiple responses on the reasons of perception of media’s unequal
coverage
2.8.e Media Challenges
The Reporters without Borders World Press Freedom Index, shows that Bangladeshs position
is declining in terms of press freedom, dropping from a ranking of 150th in 2019 (out of 180
countries) to 163rd in 2023.
38
(Figure 13).
Media freedom in Bangladesh has greatly diminished due to repressive government laws and
policies, eroding democratic governance following a prolonged one-party rule. Technological
shifts, the growth of social and digital media and increased corporate ownership have also
25
50
75
72.2%
20.2%
6.1%
72.5%
Political aiation
of the news media
Pressures from vested
interest groups
Apprehension of
losing revenues
Others
INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA) 36
restricted the news media sector.
Journalists and media profession-
al’s eld face numerous profes-
sional risks, including oppressive
media laws, bureaucratic domi-
nance, and vindictive behavior
from law enforcement agencies,
power elites, and vested interest
groups. Various factors, including
journalist harassment, attacks,
lawsuits, the draconian DSA,
pressure from media owners, corporate houses, and ad providers, as well as vested interest
groups and self-censorship, are impeding press freedom and freedom of expression. According
to a report
39
of the Daily Star based on the information of Article under the DSA, 457 individ-
uals were arrested and prosecuted in 198 cases, with 75 of them being journalists. Recently,
a female investigative reporter faced harassment and arrest, invoking the Ocial Secrets Act
1923, which sparked protests domestically and internationally.
40
Colonial-era laws like the
‘Code of Criminal Procedure 1898’ and ‘Penal Code 1860’ continue to exist, curbing the free-
dom of expression and limiting the voice of the free media in violation of constitutional rights.
RSF secretary-general Christophe Deloire said in a statement “Journalism is the best vaccine
against disinformation. Unfortunately, its production and distribution are too often blocked by
political, economic, technological and, sometimes, even cultural factors.
41
State-owned media outlets funded by the public often prioritize serving the ruling party and
the government’s interests instead of representing the public. Although Bangladesh’s consti-
tution guarantees freedom of expression, it also imposes “reasonable restrictions” that are
subjectively exploited by various state departments, including the ruling party, lawmakers,
and law enforcement agencies. Media regulatory laws and policies take advantage of these
restrictions, limiting freedom of expression. Law enforcement authorities occasionally disre-
gard the broader objectives of the laws and policies, aiming to control press freedom and the
people’s right to know and express themselves.
“If any political news goes against anybody, they become outraged and
intend to revenge from the grievances. In case of any report against the
ruling party leaders, we have to face attack and lawsuits.
— Senior male journalist KII in Barishal
150
145
155
160
165
20232022202120202019
145
Ranking
Year
Figure 13. Reporters without Borders World Press Freedom Index
37INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA)
Figure 14. Key Challenges of BD Media At a Glance.
2.9 Information Supply and Demand/Need
The survey reveals signicant information gaps regarding available information on special
measures for women, people with disabilities, and those with special needs, with only 6%
currently receiving such information, while 40% express the desire to receive it. The FGD
ndings indicate that signicant gaps exist between the information received by respondents
and their preferences for information regarding political parties, the voting process, the elec-
tion environment, candidate qualications and commitments, law and order, and election
commission preparations (Figure 15). Information about candidates primarily comes from
their supporters and the candidates themselves, disseminated through posters, leaets, and
social media posts that often portray their activities in a positive light.
“Most of the time, I rely on posters and leaflets for candidate information,
although they may not always be reliable.
— Youth FGD participant from Chattogram
The electoral environment lacks information, particularly for women and PWDs. KII and FGD
ndings emphasized the importance of communicating information about the voting system,
safety measures, and the overall election atmosphere to voters. Especially the recent piloting
of electronic voting machines (EVMs), which has generated inquiries from all segments of
Transformation into
digital and social
media platforms
Challenges
New skills need to
deal with digital and
social media
Shifting of ownership
pattern & lack of SOP*
Dearth of
institutionalization
Political aliation of
the media owners
Pressures from
power elites & vested
interest groups
Oppressive laws
like DSA 2018
INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA) 38
society, as the public is not accustomed to voting via EVMs. A marginalized participant from
Chattogram expressed the need for training and demonstrations on EVMs, stating, “We lack
a clear concept about the electronic voting process.
Figure 15. A percentage compraison between the information that the respondents receive and intend to
receive
The respondents’ information needs also reect concerns within the communities regarding
safety and security, particularly for women, senior citizens, and people with disabilities. The
issue of safety and security is emphasized by 89% of people with disabilities, 62% of women,
and 59% of young individuals. Both people with disabilities and youth express equal interest
in obtaining knowledge about the voting procedure (Figure 16).
Safety and security are the top priority for women, senior citizens, and people with disabili-
ties in Dakah, Barisal and, Mymensingh with an average of 73%, though it is much lower in
Chattogam at 38%. Information needs on punishment for rule violations with an average of
32% and led by Barisal at 49%. In Barisal, citizens also expect more information about elections
rule and regulations and candidates’ qualications. While in Mymensingh, 64% of respondents
prioritize information about the candidates. (Figure 17).
Political parties, their activities and contributions
Vote casting procedure including required documents for voting
Election environment
Any special measures for the women, PWDs, et al
Candidates past and present activities and contributions
Candidates overall qualications and commitments
Law and order situation around the election
Candidates nomination procedure by the political parties
Election preparation by the EC
Election manifesto by the political parties
Election schedule by the Election Commission
Information that is generally received Information that they would like to receive
29%
23
19.58
6
8
10
11
29.42
40
35
31
21
18
15
12
4.8
13
9
10
7.7
35%
30
39INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA)
Figure 16. Percentage distribution of the multiple responses on community information needs
Figure 17. Division-wise distribution of percentages of multiple resonses on information needs
[Note: * Others: Minorities security, Development activities to be done, regarding candidate family, regarding
candidate assets].
Safety and security
Voting procedure
Rules and regulations of elections
About the candidates
Punishment for violation of electoral rules
Candidates’ qualities and contributions
Disqualications for elections
Others
No response
Person with disability Woman Youth
89%
62
59
16
18
11
11
6
12
21
13
25
26
26
37
13
23
27
21
21
0
0
1
2
30
20
15
Safety and security
Voting procedure
Rules and regulations of elections
Disqualications for elections
Candidates’ qualities and contributions
Punishment for violation of electoral rules
About the candidates
Others
2.1
0
0.6
9.2
79.6%
38.4
9.8
70.2
70.7
19.9
27.7
22.4
14.7
40.4
6.9
23.7
25.6
25.5
17.2
15.2
24.4
38.3
39.7
26.5
28.7
48.9
24.1
18.5
6.1
34
63.8
2.4
Dhaka Chattogram Barishal Mymensingh
INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA) 40
2.10 Community Trust in Media
The FGD and KII ndings shed light on dierent interpretations of ‘trust’ in media. Some
respondents view trust as honest coverage of events without distortion, while others believe
media should provide fair information regardless of personal biases. The questionnaire survey
indicates that despite occasional inaccuracies and partiality; the community still maintains
varying levels of trust in the media. To identify trusted media sources, respondents were asked,
“What news media/channels do you trust for political and electoral news?” with multiple
response options.
42
According to respondents, television was the most preferred media source, with over 76% of
the responses. The ndings suggest some names of the popular channels like the Somoy TV,
Jamuna television, Channel24, Independent television, News24, RTV, Ekushey TV, Banglavision.
Facebook emerged as the most trusted social media platform, with over 40% of the responses,
followed by YouTube with 37%. Online news portals gained trust from around 29% of the
respondents, while daily newspapers and print media were trusted by approximately 19% and
18% respectively. Imo and visual media, including banners, festoons, sideboards, and transit
ads, each gained the trust of over 13% of respondents, while government websites gained
around 10% of trust. TikTok and WhatsApp, as individual social media platforms, gained the
trust of over 70% of respondents. News magazines (print), Twitter, Instagram, and Radio at
approximately 2%. The ndings from FGD and KII reveal that the credible news portals are
bdnews24.com, banglanews24.com, dhakapost, rising bd.com, dhakamail.com, jagonews24.
com (Figure 18).
Television is highly trusted for its ability to provide audio-visual coverage of events or incidents,
with FGD participants emphasizing its reliability in capturing live events and allowing viewers
to witness what is happening rsthand. Newspapers, on the other hand, earn trust due to their
longstanding presence as a traditional news medium with extensive journalism experience.
Social media is trusted because the content is produced and shared by familiar individuals.
Figure 19 presents trust levels among social media platforms. Facebook enjoys the highest
trust among 37% of users, while YouTube is mostly trusted by 31% of viewers. WhatsApp is
most trusted by 19% of users while news apps/websites are most trusted by 30% of users.
Trust levels for other social media platforms i.e., Imo, TikTok, Twitter and Instagram were not
extensively examined due to limited user data.
41INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA)
Figure 18. Percentage distribution of the multiple responses on trusted media in getting political and elec-
toral news
Figure 19. Frequency distribution of responses on trusted online/social media platfroms (Rank 1=most
trusted, 6 least trusted)
Television channels
Social media: Facebook
Social media: Youtube
Online news portals
Daily newspapers (print)
Print media-like posters, leaets, etc.
Social media: Imo
Visual media like banners, festoons, sideboards
Others: [Miking, drum beating, local leaders etc.]
Government website
Social media: Tiktok
Social media: WhatsApp
CSO/NGP website
Social media: Twitter
Social media: Instagram
News magazines (print)
Radio
No response
75.8%
39.6
36.2
27.9
18.3
17.3
13.5
13.3
10.4
9.4
7.1
7.5
6.9
2.3
2.1
2.7
1.7
1.9
Rank 1 Rank 2 Rank 3 Rank 4 Rank 5 Rank 6
22
15
32
4
17
24
34
25
27
34
17
13
19
16
5
22
36
12
21
18
8
13
6
1
49
47
14
31
17
10
6
3
61
84
27
22
24
9
6
8
112
90 39
25
18 14
6
4
80
100
60
40
20
Facebook Youtube
News Apps/
Websites
WhatsApp Imo TikTok Instagram Twitter
INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA) 42
However, FGDs with women and marginalized groups reveal that many of them face barriers
in using Facebook, such as lack of time, smartphones, and digital skills. Consequently, they
rely on youth family members, relatives, and community members to access Facebook con-
tent, leading to challenges in distinguishing between credible and non-credible information
on social media. Additionally, the FGD and KII respondents felt Facebook is being widely
misused because many users lack media literacy, preventing them from using social media
in a responsible and eective manner. One of the FGD respondents (journalists’ group) in
Dhaka said, A lot can be understood by one’s own thoughts in social media. While one of
the male KIIs opine that the impact of the social media in Bangladesh is worst. He says, “it
is not a media at all. There is mushroom growth of YouTube channels even in the rural areas
that make news without verication of information for which our country as well as society
are being aected badly.
Findings from the FGDs and KIIs support the notion that Bangladesh news media exhibit bias
in their reports on politics and elections. Participants mentioned media’s partisanship towards
aliated political parties and ideologies due to media owners having their own political iden-
tity. Journalists in Mymensingh highlighted the inuence of local political leaders, who treat
journalists as their own followers.
A study conducted by Riaz & Rahman (2021)
43
sheds light on the ownership patterns of TV
channels in Bangladesh. The study reveals that during dierent regimes of the ruling party
Bangladesh Awami League, 40 TV channels received approval, while ve channels obtained
approval during the tenure of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP). Notably, both the
Dhaka Tribune and the Bangla Tribune are owned by 2A Media Limited, a business concern
of Gemcon Group, which has ties to the Awami League through its vice-chairman, Kazi Nabil
Ahmed, who is also an Awami League lawmaker.
The study further reveals that Mohona TV and Duronto TV are owned by ruling party MP
Kamal Ahmed Majumdar and State Minister for Foreign Aairs Shahriar Alam, respectively.
Interestingly, changes in ownership have occurred, with individuals associated with the rul-
ing party acquiring shares in Mohona TV. Similarly, Duronto TV is operated by Barind Media
Limited, a subsidiary of Renaissance Group owned by Shahriar Alam.
44
The ndings indicate a trend where licenses are often granted to individuals aligned with the
ruling party, and existing channels’ ownership tends to change hands to individuals consid-
ered safe or aliated with the ruling party. For instance, the study highlights the case of Ten
TV, which was later acquired and renamed NTV by a close condant of former Prime Minister
43INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA)
Khaleda Zia from the opposing BNP party. Additionally, Desh TV, initially awarded to BNP
leader Mushqur Rahman MP, saw most of its shares being purchased by Awami League MP
Saber Hossain Chowdhury.
45
These ownership dynamics raise questions about media plurality,
credibility and independence in the country.
The FGD ndings highlight the presence of political leaders operating online news portals
and digital platforms run by their supporters, aiming to disseminate one-sided news to a wide
audience. Concerns about impartiality in the media industry were expressed by FGD partic-
ipants, with one participant in Chattogram stating, “Where there is money, there is media,
suggesting that media in Bangladesh is inuenced by funders’ agendas. Another participant
noted that state-run media aligns with the ruling partys agenda, while corporate-run media
prioritizes business interests, indicating they are not truly mass media.
During an FGD with marginalized individuals in Dhaka, one participant expressed, “We do not
receive reliable political and electoral news from the news media; we form our own judgments.
Another participant added, “Television channels are more trusted than Facebook since the
Facebook sometimes spreads fake news. Some news channels strive for live coverage and
accuracy. In a noteworthy statement, a female FGD participant in Dhaka remarked, “Information
from Facebook/YouTube isn’t always correct, but the opinions of community leaders are con-
sistently accurate. Hence, we place our trust in the voices of our community.
The KIIs reveal that mainstream news media strive for neutrality in event-based news coverage
but struggle to maintain it in political news due to the political aliations of media owners and
journalists. Across all four divisions, the KIIs highlighted strong control over political and elec-
toral news by the ruling party and administration, preventing coverage of information contrary
to their vested interests or malpractices such as illegal business and corruption.
The malpractices surrounding elections are evident from the statements of FGD participants.
A youth participant in Chattogram expressed disinterest in political activities, saying, “I am not
interested in political activities due to the current situation. I tried to vote twice, but someone
else cast my vote both times.Another participant shared their experience, stating, “I was on
my way to vote, but I learned about a clash between two groups near the polling center, so I
returned without casting my vote.
Currently, two major political parties in Bangladesh, namely Bangladesh Awami League and
BNP, directly own or have aliations with media outlets. Additionally, Jatiya Party (Manju),
another signicant political party, is aliated with the countrys leading daily newspaper, ‘The
INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA) 44
Daily Ittefaq,’ where Manju served as editor and publisher from 1972 to 2007. Furthermore,
‘Daily Naya Diganta,’ a newspaper owned by Diganta Media Corporation and operated by a
political leader from Jammat-e-Islami Bangladesh, continues to be published, although ‘Diganta
Television’ is no longer active.
46
Amidst the existing reality of media ownership, political aliation, and overall impartiality
in political coverage, the FGD with youths highlights moderately trustworthy news media
sources. Jamuna TV, DBC news, Somoy TV, News 24, Indepentent Television, RTV, Channel 24,
Prothom-Alo, Daily Star, and Bangladesh Pratidin are moderately recognized for maintaining
their reputation for accuracy and impartiality. A participant from a CSO FGD in Dhaka expresses
trust in ‘Ekattor TV,’ while villagers rely on the information provided by opinion leaders when
selecting candidates.
2.11 State of Mis-/disinformation, Hate
Speech and Media Literacy
2.11.a Community Awareness and Understanding of
Misinformation
When asked about the denition of misinformation, only 36.5% of respondents correctly under-
stood the issue, while 38% had an incorrect denition. More than 25% expressed uncertainty
or lack of knowledge regarding the matter (Table 2).
Table 2. Respondent’s understanding of misinformation
Answer Frequency Percent (n=480)
Right understanding on misinformation 175 36.5%
Wrong understanding on misinformation 182 37.9%
Don’t know/Not sure 122 25.4%
No response 1 .2%
Total 480 100.0%
2.11.b Subjects of Misinformation
The respondents held varying opinions on the spread of misinformation during elections, with
a signicant majority (72%) acknowledging its occurrence. Approximately 17% of respondents
expressed uncertainty, while more than 10% outright denied the presence of misinformation.
When asked about the subjects of false information, a substantial 86% of respondents reported
45INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA)
that they found misinformation that targeted the candidates. Around 42% of responses high-
lighted the election environment as a subject of false information, followed by election rules
(15.6%) and the election commission itself (7%) (Table 3). According to the survey, the majority
(74.6%) of responses attributed the spread of misinformation to the candidate’s supporters.
In contrast, 32% of responses pointed to the candidate’s relatives as responsible. Notably,
around 19% of responses identied the candidates themselves as responsible for these
activities (Table 4).
Table 3. Subjects of misinformation
Subjects Responses Number Percent (n=544)
Percent of Cases
(n=346)
Regarding candidate 299 55.0% 86.4%
Election environment 145 26.7% 41.9%
Election rules 54 9.9% 15.6%
Election commission 25 4.6% 7.2%
Law enforcing agencies 21 3.9% 6.1%
Total 544 100.0% 157.2%
Table 4. Who spread misinformation (multiple responses)?
Answer Responses Number Percent (n=511) Percent of Cases (n=346)
Candidate’s supporters 258 50.5% 74.6%
Candidate’s relatives 112 21.9% 32.4%
Candidate 65 12.7% 18.8%
Others 76 14.9% 22.0%
Total 511 100.0% 147.7%
[Note: * Others: Third-party political members, vested interested groups]
2.11.c Awareness/understanding of Disinformation
In the survey, 58% of respondents correctly dened disinformation, while 17% provided incor-
rect denitions, and over 24% were unsure or unaware of the concept (Table 5). The ndings
also indicated that more than 72% of respondents were aware of disinformation, while 16%
were unsure, and 11% reported no personal experience with disinformation.
INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA) 46
Table 5. Respondent’s understanding of disinformation
Answer Frequency Percent (n=480)
Right understanding on disinformation 280 58.3%
Wrong understanding on disinformation 82 17.1%
Don’t know/Not Sure 117 24.4%
No response 1 .2%
Total 480 100.0%
2.11.d Subjects of Disinformation
The survey revealed that 85%
of disinformation was spread
about candidates, while 46%
of responses highlighted the
election environment. Election
rules were mentioned as a sub-
ject of disinformation by 13%
of responses, and the election
commission was mentioned by
7% of responses. Law enforce-
ment agencies were mentioned
in 4% of responses (Figure 20).
Table 6. Who spread disinformation (multiple answers)?
Answer Responses Number
Percent
(n=537)
Percent of Cases
(n=347)
Candidate’s supporters 267 49.7% 76.9%
Candidate’s relatives 128 23.8% 36.9%
Candidates 71 13.2% 20.5%
Others 71 13.2% 20.5%
Total 537 100.0% 154.8%
[Note: * Others: Third-party political members, vested interested groups]
Regarding the spread of disinformation, the majority, 77%, believed that the candidate’s sup-
porters were responsible. However, 37% of responses implicated the candidate’s relatives
20
40
60
80
84.7%
46.4
12.7
6.9
4
Law enforcing
agencies
Election
commission
Election
rules
Election
environment
Regarding
candidate
Figure 20. Percentage distribution of the multiple responses on
subjects of disinformation around election
47INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA)
as the masterminds behind the spread of disinformation. Interestingly, 20% attributed the
dissemination to the candidates themselves, while another 20% blamed others, such as the
supporters of the opposing candidate and vested interest groups (Table 6).
Table 7. Rating respondent’s knowledge/understanding of mis-/disinformation
Answer Frequency Percent (n=480)
Excellent 14 2.9%
Good 48 10.0%
Medium 275 57.3%
Poor 106 22.1%
Very Poor 35 7.3%
No response 2 0.4%
Total 480 100.0%
According to the IEA survey, the respondents’ knowledge level of mis-/disinformation varies
signicantly. The majority, 57%, rate their knowledge as medium, while 22% consider it poor.
Only 10% rate their understanding as good, with a mere 3% claiming an excellent level of
knowledge. In contrast, 7% of respondents admit to having a very poor understanding (Table 7).
Table 8. Ability to identify mis-/disinformation
Answer Frequency Percent (n=480)
Extremely condent 22 4.6%
Very condent 49 10.2%
Moderately Condent 272 56.7%
Slightly condent 97 20.2%
Not condent at all 37 7.7%
No response 3 .6%
Total 480 100.0%
When it comes to identifying mis-/disinformation, the majority, 57% of respondents express
moderate condence, while 20% are slightly condent. About 15% of respondents reported
being extremely or very condent in identifying mis-/disinformation. Conversely, approximately
8% lack any condence in their ability to identify disinformation (Table 8).
INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA) 48
Table 9. Rating respondent’s knowledge/understanding of mis-/disinformation by groups
Answer Youth (n=148) Woman (n=292)
Person with disability
(n=38)
Excellent 5 3% 7 2% 2 5%
Good 21 14% 27 9% 0 0%
Medium 98 66% 153 52% 24 63%
Poor 20 14% 79 28% 7 19%
Very Poor 4 3% 26 9% 5 13%
Group-wise distribution of knowledge/understanding of mis-/disinformation, the trend of most
responses indicated ‘medium level of knowledge/understanding’ possessed by the respon-
dents. Of the youth respondents, 66% revealed they had medium level of knowledge while the
present for the women was 52% and for the PWDs was 63%. However, all the three types of
the respondents agreed that they had poor knowledge/understanding of the same. In terms
of poor knowledge, the women group possessed the highest responses with 37% while the
percentage for the PWDs was 32% in that category of responses (Table 9).
Table 10. Ability to identify mis-/disinformation by groups
Answer Youth (n=147) Woman (n=293)
Person with disability
(n=37)
Extremely condent 8 5% 13 4% 1 3%
Very condent 23 16% 23 8% 3 8%
Moderately condent 94 64% 154 52% 24 65%
Not condent 20 14% 72 25% 5 13%
Not condent at all 2 1% 31 11% 4 11%
The survey reveals that all the three target groups have moderate condence level (youth
64%, women 52% and PWDs 65%) to identify mis-/disinformation. It is also revealed that 14%
youth are not condent to identify the same while the percentage for the women is 25% and
PWDs is 13% (Table 10).
Regarding hate speech, 71% of respondents observed an increase in discriminatory, intolerant,
bigoted, prejudiced, and demeaning language directed at individuals and groups during the
election. However, approximately 14% of respondents did not notice such an increase, and
15% were unsure. (Annex 2, table 38). When it comes to hate speech, 95% of it is targeted
towards opposing candidates, while around 10% of respondents mention religious minorities
49INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA)
and PWDs as subjects. Additionally, 5%
of respondents mention gender-diverse
individuals as targets of hate speech.
(Figure 21).
In the survey, 83% of responses pointed
to the candidate’s supporters spreading
hate speech, while 31% indicated the
candidate’s relatives engaging in such
behavior. The candidates themselves
were mentioned in 23% of responses,
while 14% referred to individuals from
opposing political parties, their support-
ers, and vested interest groups (Table 11).
Table 11. Who spread hate (multiple responses) speech?
Answer Responses Number Percent (n=514)
Percent of
Cases (n=340)
Candidate’s supporters 283 55.1% 83.2%
Candidate’s relatives 106 20.6% 31.2%
Candidate 77 15.0% 22.6%
Others 48 9.3% 14.1%
Total 514 100.0% 151.2%
[Note: * Others: Opposite political party men and supporter, vested interested group
2.11.e Media used to Spread Mis-/disinformation and Hate-
speech
According to the ndings, 65% of respondents identied word of mouth and interpersonal
interactions as the primary means of spreading misinformation and disinformation. This empha-
sizes the signicant role of personal recommendations and opinions of friends, family, and
acquaintances play in disseminating rumors and false information. Social media emerged as
the second most used source for spreading hate speech and misinformation, accounting for
57% of responses. Online news portals followed as the third most prevalent source, cited by
31% of respondents, while television channels ranked fourth at 25%. Newspapers and maga-
zines were mentioned by a small percentage of participants, with only 5% using newspapers
and 1% employing magazines to spread such information (Figure 22).
Opposite candidates
Religious minority
PWDs
GDP
Ethnic communities
Others
(opposite candidates
family, etc)
95%
10.3
10
5.3
0.3
0.3
Figure 21. Percentage distribution of the multiple responses
on subjects of hate speech
INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA) 50
Figure 22. Percentage distribution of the multiple responses on media spreading mis-and disinformation
The FGD and KII ndings indicate a concerning lack of media literacy among social media
users, particularly on platforms like Facebook, where people tend to believe and share infor-
mation without proper discernment. Social media, particularly Facebook, has faced criticism
for its role in fueling rumors and contributing to societal chaos. Facebook users are known
to actively engage with content, scrolling through pages, reading newsfeeds, and sharing
information. The platform has witnessed a surge in interactions as internet usage continues
to grow across diverse demographics. Regardless of age or educational background, individ-
uals are increasingly creating Facebook accounts to stay connected to the global information
hub and remain updated about current events. The absence of Facebook is perceived as a
disconnection from the world, with many feeling alienated without its presence.
The ndings from FGDs and KIIs indicate that many users often emotionally share content on
Facebook without fully understanding its accuracy, leading to the spread of misinformation.
This phenomenon has been observed in various studies, including one conducted by SACMID
in June 2019, titled ‘Media literacy among students at secondary schools and madrasas of
Bangladesh.
47
The study highlights that most students do not verify information before sharing
it on social media, allowing fake news and misinformation to spread rapidly.
This was backed by the survey, in which 46% of respondents identied Facebook as the primary
source of disinformation, while 20% viewed YouTube as the main culprit (Figure 23). According
to a male KII in Chattogram, individuals with limited education and awareness are particularly
Word of mouth
and interpersonal
interaction
Social media Online news
portals
Television
channels
Newspapers Magazines Radio
65%
56.7
30.6
25
1.2 0.6
5.4
51INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA)
vulnerable to mis-/disinformation and hate speech. Some malicious actors intentionally pro-
duce and disseminate sensational content through these platforms due to the lack of editorial
processes and gatekeeping, contributing to the problem of disinformation. The government has
responded to this issue by implementing stricter legal measures to curb these malpractices
by vested interest groups. However, some KIIs argue that such stringent digital laws namely
the DSA often leads to mainstream media neglecting or overlooking issues that are signicant
to the public and society as a whole, thereby negatively impacting the nation at large.
Figure 23. Frequency distribution of the responses on top three social media sources of disinformation
“In spreading mis-/disinformation, some journalists are equally
accountable. Some online news portals cover news from unverified
social media sources without understanding the consequences. On the
other hand, some mainstream news media having inadequate staffs
also depend on social media platforms and cover news without much
verification.
— Male KII, who is a senior journalist in Chattogram
Regarding election-related mis-/disinformation and hate speech, FGD participants noted that
supporters and relatives of the candidates often utilize social media to spread false information
50
100
150
200
0 0 0
220
96
26
12
8
9
48
116
13 13
18 18
1
26
44
10
18
22
26
2
5
Rank 1 Rank 2 Rank 3
50
Facebook Youtube
News Apps/
Websites
WhatsApp ImoTikTok Instagram Twitter
INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA) 52
about other candidates and to promote their candidates. In Dhaka, some participants from a
youth group mentioned that certain hard-liners and radical Muslims exploit religious sentiments
to promote hate speech during elections. Additionally, some participants observed that cer-
tain news media outlets propagate misinformation for the sake of increasing their popularity.
Combating Mis-/disinformation
Presently, it is stressed on fact-checking to ensure more accuracy in media reporting. The FGDs
with the journalists group show that only a few journalists have some sorts of understanding of
the fact checking with the use of technologies/software like reverse image, wiki check, etc. The
journalists taking part in FGDS from Mymensingh and Barishal said, “We don’t use fact checking
software and apps since we don’t know much of those.
The journalists view that the mis-/disinformation spread due to the lack of fact checking properly,
especially from those news items shared through the social media platforms. The journalists taking
part in FGDs from Mymensingh said that as an eective measure to combat mis-/disinformation,
they give rejoinder (report again) if any report is covered based on wrong information. The jour-
nalists also said, in case of any fake information or rumor, they dig deep, nd the fact and report
accurately. But, sometimes, the process takes long time that hampers peaceful community life.
To combat mis-/disinformation, the multimedia unit of Bangladesh police has recently produced
an audio-visual content which is publicized through some of the television channels. A few NGOs
and citizen forums sometimes hold some sorts of programmes like rally, group meetings, seminar
etc. to raise awareness on the issue.
2.12 Relevant Actors in Information Delivery
The survey, FGD, and KII have shed light on the capacity of actors involved in the information
delivery process. Expert opinions highlight the crucial role of skilled and dedicated media pro-
fessionals in ensuring media accuracy. While respondents perceive Bangladesh news media
to be somewhat accurate, the FGD with journalists and KII ndings reveal a lack of institution-
alization and competent media personnel in the country. Insucient policies regarding pro-
motion, salary, fringe benets, and job facilities for journalists discourage talented individuals
from pursuing careers in the eld. Media houses often fail to provide necessary support for
professional growth, resulting in limited opportunities for advancement. Additionally, inade-
quate logistical support, especially for women, in terms of transportation and resources for
53INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA)
reporting further hampers media accuracy and professional commitment. These factors col-
lectively impact the overall quality of media output, as expressed by the stakeholders involved.
2.12.a The Role of CSOs
In Bangladesh, the rise of digital and social media platforms has brought attention to the urgent
need to combat disinformation, misinformation, and hate speech. However, only a limited
number of CSOs are actively addressing these challenges, while the activities of other NGOs
working through networking remain less visible. During a FGD with the CSOs, participants
suggested that CSOs could play a vital role in the voting process by monitoring elections and
assisting law enforcement agencies in preventing election-related violence. One CSO par-
ticipant from Chattogram expressed concerns about the diculty in engaging young voters
who are often absorbed in their mobile devices. Additionally, when CSOs attempt to provide
information related to elections, they are sometimes perceived as agents of political parties
by these young individuals.
Focused Group Discussion at the Teachers’ Institute in Barishal city. Journalists, teachers, social workers, and
religious leaders took part in the session. The FGD was facilitated by Sharifa Shirin, an Assistant Professor
of Journalism Department at Barishal University. Internews/Shakawat Hossain
INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA) 54
The following organizations were identified by the study team and KII as
CSOs currently working on media literacy and disinformation in Bangladesh:
South Asia Center for Media in Development (SACMID) is a Media Development Organization
fostering media development in Bangladesh. It has two broad areas of concentration: media and
information literacy and gender literacy in media. Of the programmes around mis-/disinformation,
SACMID’s project titled ‘Promoting Media Literacy in Bangladesh’ is a mentionable one.
Voices for Interactive Choice and Empowerment (VOICE) runs a program on Counter hate speech
and misinformation that focuses on capacity building for various groups, including journalists,
activists, artists, lmmakers, bloggers, and university students. Their initiatives aim to counter hate
speech and misinformation while promoting responsible use of digital space and has implemented
a project specically addressing the COVID-19 communication crisis and misinformation in the
country.
48
The Institute for Environment and Development (IED) is currently implementing the Strengthening
traditional civil society to combat digital disinformation in Bangladesh project. They plan to conduct
capacity-building workshops and training for civil society members and youth, enabling them to
identify and counter malicious digital content. The activities aim to help participants recognize
ideological standpoints and intentions behind suspicious social media content, promoting toler-
ance, harmony, gender sensitivity, and non-violence in both mainstream and viral online platforms.
Management and Resources Development Initiative (MRDI) is currently implementing the Promoting
Fact-Checking to Counter Misinformation in Bangladesh project, which involves specic activities
such as training content development meetings, media literacy sessions, fact-checking training for
journalists, youth groups, and journalism teachers, as well as training for peer educator journalists,
youth groups, and journalism teachers.
Article 19 launched an online media literacy course and called for a National Plan of Action against
hate speech on June 17, 2022.
Move Foundation conducts campaigns to counter misinformation, disinformation, and hate speeches
through various programs, such as organizing seminars on combating the infodemic and extremism.
Shushashoner Jonno Nagorik (SHUJAN) is one of the vibrant organizations that works in observing
the election. The organization brings rival candidates onto a common platform to face the public,
conducts press conferences to demand free, impartial, and fair elections, organizes poster and
leaet campaigns to promote the selection of well-qualied candidates, and holds human chain
activities to call for free and fair elections in a peaceful environment.
55INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA)
Bangladesh civil society is facing challenges in countering disinformation, misinformation,
and hate speech due to their limited readiness in terms of abilities, skills, and resources. Many
CSOs are unfamiliar with these issues and lack the nancial resources and knowledge-based
content to address them eectively. The scarcity of experts in producing content to combat
mis/disinformation and hate speech further exacerbates the situation, as these problems have
arisen from the rapid growth of digital and social media platforms in Bangladesh. The easy
accessibility of smartphones has also contributed to the spread of these issues, with one CSO
representative likening smartphones to “hand grenades” used for disseminating harmful
content. The CSOs in Dhaka, the capital city, acknowledge their lack of necessary abilities,
skills, and nancial support to tackle this issue, while those operating outside Dhaka rely on
project-based nancial aid and donations from local organizations or individuals.
2.12.b Challenges and Opportunities to strengthening the
capacity of civil society
Challenges
Subtle challenges in countering mis-/disinformation and hate speech include limited nancial
resources, lack of technical expertise, and the inuence of local political contexts.
49
NGOs
IEA Data Enumerator Abdul Jalil is conducting a survey with Nahida Akter (30) at South Pangashia village under
Dumki Upazila/sub-district of Patuakhali at the southern part of Bangladesh. Internews/Shakawat Hossain
INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA) 56
and CSOs often rely on government support and cooperation for their work, especially when
engaging with stakeholders like media personnel, local government, and administrations.
50
Approval from authorities is essential, as local administrators may refuse to attend awareness
programs without proper authorization. Further constraints in nancial resources, access to
necessary devices like computers and cameras, and CSO’s ability to plan and create suitable
content for various media platforms. The lack of knowledge and skills in portraying gender
issues fairly through media is evident, necessitating both theoretical understanding and
technical expertise in audio-visual content production, manual and module development, and
conducting formative studies.
Opportunities
Promoting media literacy among youth leaders and grassroots-level CSOs can be achieved
through collaborations with experts and academia. Several NGOs and CSOs, such as Proshika,
BRAC, ASA, Jaago Foundation, Bangladesh Adivasi Forum, Bangladesh Jatiya Protibondhi Kalyan
Foundation, Consumers Association of Bangladesh, SACMID, VOICE, MOVE Foundation, Article
19, MRDI, Institute for Environment and Development (IED), and Jonouddog, have extensive
experience in raising awareness on various socio-economic issues. Leveraging their expertise,
these organizations can eectively combat misinformation, disinformation, and hate speech.
Representatives from Proshika, Consumers Association of Bangladesh, Article 19, Jonouddog,
SACMID, and VOICE have expressed interest in participating in capacity-building activities,
including training, workshops, and ToT programs focused on countering mis-/disinformation
and hate speech, as well as improving fair content production for awareness-raising purposes.
Data Enumerator Sanjida Islam Jui conducts a survey at Laladighir Par of Barishal city with Jolekha Begum
(18), a person with disability. Internews/Shakawat Hossain
57INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA)
Chapter Three: Conclusion
and Recommendations
The ndings suggest that both the media and its audiences are on a shift with the transforma-
tion of media and communication technology in Bangladesh. Most of the respondents (85%)
own smartphones to access information and entertainment. The use of traditional news media
like the newspaper and the radio is declining. However, television is still a popular medium to
80% of respondents. The women and the PWDs are lagging in terms of having smart media
devices. Despite enhanced use of internet-based media and communication platforms, people
living in remote areas suer from the weak network and high subscription cost. In the race
of using social media, there depicts a clear disparity among the PWDs and the women since
the youth are in advanced position.
Facebook is the most popular social media platform being used by 68% respondents. With the
rise of social and digital media platforms in Bangladesh, prevalence of mis-/disinformation is
also noticeable. The study nds that most of the users are not adequately aware of this phe-
nomenon. Bangladesh media are not free from biases in covering political and electoral news
for perceived ideological/political aliations of the media owners/managers/leaders. Some
draconian laws like the DSA 2018, OSA 1923, the Penal Code, 1860 seem visible threats to
media freedom. Lack of knowledge and skills of the journalists in the areas of fact-checking
and combating fake information is also a barrier to media accuracy.
The study reveals that the community people lack necessary information on election and
politics either from the news media or the social media platforms. Social media is not credible
enough to depend on due to its self-generated nature of content creation and dissemination
without formal editorial control. Conversely, the mainstream news media are biased in cover-
ing political and electoral aairs. They must face pressures from diverse quarters that hinder
their freedom.
Social media generated menaces like mis-/disinformation sometimes create anarchic situation
in Bangladesh aecting communal peace and harmony. As these issues are relatively new for
both media workers and CSOs, they lack the knowledge, skills and awareness to tackle these
matters. As a response to this, there is a need for increased awareness and training to develop
techniques and tactics to tackle the menace of social media eectively. Both the media people
and the CSO need knowledge and skills in the elds of fact-checking and managing social
INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA) 58
media menace to deal with mis-/disinformation more eectively.
The study shows that the women, PWDs and the youth-all the groups need information on
elections that include safety and security measures, proper use of EVM, voting procedure,
electoral atmosphere, activities of law enforcing agencies and the election commission, and
so on.
Recommendations
The recommendations have been based on the ndings derived from all the methods: literature
review, questionnaire survey, FGD and KII:
[Note: Short-term implementation (1 year), Mid-term 2-3 Years and Long-term 4-5 Years]
Findings Conclusion Recommendations Years
Media and Journalism 1 2 3 4 5
Many journalists
lack training in
election report-
ing, particularly
in investigative
and interpretive
journalism.
Journalists covering
elections require special-
ized knowledge in media
reporting techniques and
electoral aairs, including
laws, regulations, poli-
cies, and the structure
of election commissions
and administrative
bodies.
Collaborate with government
organizations like the Press
Institute Bangladesh and also with
the NGOs providing journalists’
training and with the Universities
having journalism department in
order to arrange a comprehensive
nationwide training and work-
shop package with fellowship
program.
51
X
Draconian laws
such as the DSA
2018, OSA 1923,
and Penal Code
1860 hinder investi-
gative journalism in
Bangladesh.
Under these laws,
Journalists face harass-
ment and arrests from
power elites, politicians
and others whose inter-
ests are at risk of being
reported.
Form a robust policy advocacy
forum with stakeholders such as
journalists’ leaders, civil society
members, media, academics,
researchers, donor agencies/
development partners, and like-
minded policymakers to advo-
cate for repealing objectionable
clauses in oppressive laws.
X X
Bangladesh news
media are undergo-
ing major transfor-
mations due to the
rise of social and
digital media, tech-
nological evolution,
and changing
media ownership.
The majority of news
media are unprepared
for changes in revenue
generation, technologi-
cal adoption, corporate
management, and sta
capacity development.
Capacity building for media profes-
sionals should focus on address-
ing challenges related to social
and digital media, revenue gener-
ation, and understanding techno-
logical advancements.
X X
59INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA)
Findings Conclusion Recommendations Years
Corporate news
media lack stan-
dard operating
procedures and
accountability in
their management
policies, often pri-
oritizing their own
interests over the
needs of their sta.
News media owners
typically lack accountabil-
ity for their operational
systems, including sta
recruitment, capacity
building, promotion, and
ring. During COVID-19,
numerous journalists
were abruptly red with-
out sucient justication.
To enhance accountability, the
establishment of a multipartite
body or task force consisting of
journalists, media owners, civil
society representatives, and
relevant government departments
is recommended. This task force
should oversee the corporate
news media, aiming to streamline
institutional practices by creat-
ing a comprehensive standard
operational procedure (SOP)
that includes robust HR policies
covering recruitment, promotion,
incentives, insurance, and fringe
benets for media professionals.
X X
Election Information 1 2 3 4 5
There is no
comprehensive
communication
policy to eectively
provide electoral
information to
marginalized
communities.
Marginalized communi-
ties lack sucient and
accurate information
about electoral systems,
political parties, and
candidates.
Implementing a comprehensive
communication policy is crucial to
ensure underprivileged communi-
ties receive adequate information
through planned communication
activities.
X X
Insucient infor-
mation exists
regarding the
safety and security
of PWDs, women
voters, and other
election-related
concerns.
Due to security concerns,
many women and PWDs
express reluctance to
visit voting centers.
Utilize various media platforms,
including satellite TV channels,
radio, leading newspapers, online
news portals, Facebook, YouTube,
to disseminate audio-visual con-
tent, raising awareness among
youth voters about their rights,
while also conducting communi-
cation campaigns for women and
PWDs on voting center safety and
overall election environment.
X
Target groups gen-
erally lack sucient
election-related
information, lead-
ing to diculties in
making informed
voting decisions.
Bangladeshis lack suf-
cient election-related
information, with inade-
quate content on social
media regarding election
issues.
The Election
Commissions eorts to
raise awareness about
elections are insucient.
Promote paid ads and audio-visual
content on election rules, proce-
dures, code of conduct, safety
measures for women, PWDs, and
senior citizens through popular
social media, TV channels, and
group communication platforms.
X
INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA) 60
Findings Conclusion Recommendations Years
Mis-/Disinformation 1 2 3 4 5
There is a severe
lack of knowledge
and understanding
in properly using
social media and
identifying mis/
disinformation.
Social media-generated
mis/disinformation often
disrupts communal
harmony, but informed
youth can combat rumors
positively.
Youth should be trained in media
literacy and fact-checking to
become social media leaders
capable of organizing peers and
combating mis/disinformation.
X X
Journalists in
Bangladesh
predominantly
rely on traditional
fact-checking tech-
niques, which oer
limited eective-
ness in combating
mis/disinformation.
Mis/disinformation
hampers media accuracy,
but improved knowledge
enables media profes-
sionals to eectively
verify information.
Arrange fact-checking workshops
for journalists to enhance their
ability to deliver news with greater
accuracy.
X X
CSOs generally
lack the capacity
to address emerg-
ing social media
threats and mis/
disinformation
due to their limited
experience.
CSOs require enhanced
knowledge and under-
standing of mis/disin-
formation and eective
techniques to appropri-
ately handle it.
Conduct media literacy ToT
workshops for CSOs, focusing on
handling mis/disinformation and
promoting information literacy.
X X X
Countering mis/
and disinforma-
tion is necessary
to manage social
media menace and
sustain communal
harmony.
Social media-generated
mis/disinformation can
spark violence, disrupting
communal harmony and
creating anarchic situa-
tions, beneting certain
interest groups.
a. Initiate a nationwide campaign
for media literacy, including inte-
grating courses into school curric-
ulums to educate children.
b. Establish a country-wide net-
work involving journalists, CSOs,
public representatives, and gov-
ernment ocials, enhancing their
capacity to address mis/disinfor-
mation and hate speech.
c. Conduct training for CSOs/
CBOs at the district and sub-dis-
trict (upazila) levels on fact-check-
ing, enabling them to play an
eective role in curbing the spread
of rumors and fake news.
X X
61INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA)
Findings Conclusion Recommendations Years
Youth, Women, PWD Access to Information 1 2 3 4 5
The information
needs of marginal-
ized communities,
such as women
and PWDs, are
often overlooked or
neglected.
The lack of journalists
from marginalized com-
munities’ results in their
issues being underrepre-
sented and often muted.
Create and nurture a diverse pool
of journalists from underserved
communities, including women,
PWDs, and ethnic groups, to
amplify their stories and voices.
X X X
PWDs lack access
to relevant media
content.
Some PWD organizations
like DRRA are developing
apps to enhance their
communities’ ability to
access to diverse media
content.
An integrated eort can address
the issue of access to media con-
tent among the PWDS. Knowledge
sharing i.e. the best practices can
be shared among PWD organi-
zations. Internews partners can
facilitate this.
X X X
Financial insol-
vency and network
uctuation hinder
underprivileged
individuals’ access
to essential inter-
net services.
Underprivileged individ-
uals in Bangladesh face
limited internet access
due to high costs and
unstable connectivity,
leading to frequent com-
munication interruptions.
To improve the internet connectiv-
ity, initiate advocacy with mobile
network operators and their regu-
latory bodies to get the price down
and make the connectivity stable.
Media literacy
in Bangladesh is
crucial, given the
convergence of
social and digital
media platforms.
In Bangladesh, there is
a signicant knowledge
gap regarding the eec-
tive use of media, partic-
ularly social and digital
media platforms.
Facilitate the establishment of
a sustainable youth network
focused on developing media
literacy skills, particularly in
social and digital media. Provide
training, support, and tools to
empower youth in contributing
to Bangladesh’s socio-economic
and cultural development through
the creation and dissemination of
valuable content.
X X X
Around the Project 1 2 3 4 5
A trainees’ network
will be formed
around fact-check-
ing and election
reporting
Such network needs
to sustain and active
through various activities
Occasional in-person meeting
needs to be arranged for sharing
experience and exploring further
activities.
X X X X
Disinformation
trend analysis and
discussion
Will generate empirical
database to understand
the nature of disinforma-
tion better.
Internews should capacitate the
partners so that they can inde-
pendently carry out such trend
analysis
X X X X
INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA) 62
Findings Conclusion Recommendations Years
ToT and Follow-up
training on
fact-checking and
election reporting
being conducted.
A good number of
resource persons will be
developed.
Facilitate the media houses to
arrange intensive in-house training
on various specialized subjects
like gender reporting, investigative
journalism, etc. which will be more
eective rather than sporadic/ran-
dom selection of the trainees from
dierent media
X X X X
Mentorship sup-
port & Story Grants
A number of good stories
will be covered.
The stories need to be stored for
the use of interested /prospective
journalists, students and teachers.
X X X X
IEA Data Enumerator Sanjida Islam Jui is conducting a survey with Mohammad Belal (22), a student of the
Journalism Department at Barishal University. Internews/Shakawat Hossain
63INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA)
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dora.com/world_fact_book_2019/bangladesh/bangladesh_people.html.
Correspondent, Sta. “Democracy in Decline in Bangladesh.” Prothomalo, March 3, 2023.
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Accessed August 24, 2023.
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August 29, 2023. https://www.dhakatribune.com/bangladesh/207718/
world-press-freedom-index-bangladesh-slips-one.
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wp-content/uploads/2020/02/Digital-Security-Act-2020.pdf.
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Ferdous, R. “Gonomaddhyam: Rajnoitik Orthonitee O Kshyamota Proshna (Mass Media:
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Shrabon Prokashani (2009).
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cies/3a4db4bf_1f88_40ea_a106_a06a10685294/telecom_policy_1998_0.pdf.
Islam, Sheikh Mohammad Shaul (2016) Coverage bias of Bangladesh television media:
a portrayal of power and politics. Jurnal Komunikasi; Malaysian Journal of
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and Shah Md Rauful Haque. “Role of community radio for community development
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hY9p1Wb6eaDYV0HPP3k9EcKaEp0G0r_V-wrFk.
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country/bangladesh.
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Bangladesh.” In Bangla ‘Betar Television Sangbadikota O Prashangik Vabna,’ Dhaka,
Bangladesh Press Institute, 2016.
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tal.com/reports/digital-2022-bangladesh (2020).
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An inquiry into the rapid growth of private TV channels of Bangladesh.Journal of
Social Science Review 30, no. 2 (2014): 291-306.
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bangladeshs-literacy-rate-now-7466-3080701.
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INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA) 66
Annex 1
Detailed Quantitative and Qualitative
Survey Methodology
The IEA research methodology employs a combined qualitative and quantitative approach,
examining the supply and demand aspects of media relevant to Bangladeshs elections. The
supply side analysis encompasses the national and community media landscape, evaluating
traditional and digital media, the media industry environment, legal regulations, and media
capabilities. In addition to assessing the capacity of media outlets, the study also focuses on
the communitys demand side of the information ecosystem, considering informal, cultural,
and social factors that impact information needs, access, sharing, trust, inuence, and infor-
mation literacy. These factors have the potential to disrupt or corrupt community information
ows through the spread of rumors, misinformation, and propaganda.
The research methodology applied is a combination of an interactive, action-oriented, do no
harm approach. Data collection follows ethical standards and allows the equal participation
of male and female youth, adults, and people with disability, especially those in remote areas.
Through Key Informant Interviews (KII) and Focus Group Discussions (FGDs), the expert
focuses on researching and analyzing the country’s information ow and information disorder
pertinent to election. Internews and the partners jointly decide on the criteria for selection
of the locations, taking into account the size of populations and the issues around access
to information. Internews, the IEA expert, and partners decide on the research design and
methodology together, putting into consideration both organizations’ experience and history
relevant to the local context and key issues.
Primary data was gathered through a quantitative survey, FGD and KII. The data and information
emerged from all these methods facilitate the research team to do an eective triangulation
of analysis.
Secondary data was collected through rigorous desk research, utilizing relevant literature,
documents such as study reports, media reports, and research articles (see Table 1). Additional
sources included Internews IEA guidelines, Preliminary Census report 2022 from Bangladesh
Bureau of Statistics, NGO and CSO reports, Bangladesh Labour Force Survey Reports, and
relevant printed reports and books Findings from the desk review informed the research
questions used in FGD and KII (see below).
67INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA)
Table i. Types and number of literatures reviewed
52
S/N Type of literature/documents Number
01 Newspaper reports and articles 07
02 Research articles in academic journals 06
03 NGO/CSO reports 05
04 Government study reports/website publications 04
05 Miscellaneous 04
Major Research Questions
The assessment is based upon the following major questions:
The role of media
To what extent do the media in Bangladesh produce stories and reports that are accu-
rate and impartial?
What information gaps are being addressed by the media? Are they adequate and/or
eective? If not, what could be done to improve adequacy and eectiveness?
How eective (or not) is the media in the target audiences’ decision to vote? What are
the determinants of eectiveness and why?
How has COVID-19 aected the media and information consumption of political and
electoral processes?
What are the challenges and opportunities to improve media accuracy and impartiality
on the election process?
Community Information needs
Which information sources are most trusted by target groups and why?
What does trust mean to the target groups?
Which communities are the most underserved and how to best ll their information gaps?
What are the barriers to access to information, for example mobile and/or internet
penetration, literacy rates, underfunding, etc.?
What is the media content and format/type to which our target groups are most engaged
with?
INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA) 68
Elections and disinformation
Which sources of information, particularly around political and electoral process, are
mostly followed by target groups and why?
What are the eective measures to combat mis/disinformation, awareness, regulations,
tools, media literacy when it comes to elections and political processes?
Who are the key players and networks involved in elections and political related disin-
formation operations and campaigns? How do they cascade disinformation?
What social media platforms, traditional media channels, and other channels are used
to spread disinformation?
What is the level of awareness of disinformation among the target groups? And how
do they navigate around disinformation?
Role of Civil society
To what extent has civil society been engaged in countering disinformation, misinfor-
mation, and hate speech?
To what extent is civil society equipped to counter disinformation, misinformation, and
hate speech?
What are the opportunities and challenges to strengthening the capacity of civil society
to counter disinformation, misinformation, and hate speech?
Quantitative Survey
In order to carry out the IEA, the team conducted a questionnaire survey. The sample size for
the survey included a diverse representation of regions, age groups, gender, education and
occupational backgrounds, income groups and persons with disabilities. The survey team
conducted face to face interviews while some KIIs were carried out through phone interviews
and online platforms like Zoom and Google meet. The survey abides by a solid reference
53
of
the statistical standard.
To ensure diversity of the survey, the study team identied four divisions: Barishal, Chattogram,
Dhaka and Mymensingh for the assessment. Dhaka is included as the capital of Bangladesh;
Chattogram is the business capital and the second largest division; Mymensingh is the newest
division and has the lowest literacy rates; and Barishal is a coastal zone with diverse geographic,
socio-economic, demographic traits.
In Table ii below, the preliminary report on the population and housing census from 2022
by Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics (BBS) shows that the selected divisions have a total of
69INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA)
4,97,73,981 women, 2,17,11,390 youth and 12,54,177 PWD.
Table ii. Division wise-target population
Name of Division Population
54
Women Youth
55
People with disability
Dhaka 21,721,556 9,720,910 474,988
Chattogram 17,160,140 7,301,082 444,606
Mymensingh 6,233,864 2,688,336 188,043
Barishal 4,658,421 2,001,061 146,540
Total 49,773,981 21,711,390 1,254,177
Statistical Determination of Sample Size
The sample size for the quantitative survey has been calculated by applying the following
statistical formula outlined by Taro Yamane:
We know that:
Here, SS =Sample size
N=Sum of targeted populations
56
e=degree of error consideration is 0.05 or 5%
Or 72,739,548 /1+181,893.86
or SS= 399.9=400
Considering design eect for the social survey in Bangladesh, researchers usually set design
eect from 1.1 to 1.2. So, with 1.2 design eect, the sample population is (400 * 1.2) = 480. It
can be said that it requires at least 400 sample population for a standard and statistically sound
survey. However, to get more data, generate stronger database and more accurate data, survey
population has been drawn at 480 respondents with a design eect of 1.2 mentioned earlier.
INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA) 70
Target Groups
57
Sample Distribution:
Survey Location and Justification
The questionnaire survey specically targets three groups: women, youth, and PWD. According
to the BBS, women make up 50% of the total population. While the exact demographic infor-
mation for youth (aged 18-29) is not available in the latest Census Report 2022, it is estimated
to be around 22%. On the other hand, persons with disabilities constitute less than 2% of the
population. The sample population for the survey is as follows: 328 for women, 143 for youth,
and only 9 for persons with disabilities. To adjust for the small number of persons with dis-
abilities, their population is derived by allocating 10% of the total sample size from the women
category for a total of 42. After adjustment, the sample size for each category is as follows:
Table iii. Target group sample distribution
Planned Covered
TG Category
Number Percent Number Percent
Women 295 61% 293 61%
Youth 143 30% 143 31%
Persons with disability (PWD) 42 9% 38 8%
Total 480 100.0 480 100.0
The sample size for each category is proportionate to the size of each location. The survey
was carried out following a multi-staged sampling from national to divisional to district to
sub-district (upazila) to union (lowest administrative unit) to the village as primary sampling
unit (PSU). Out of the 480 respondents, the highest number, 211 (44%), are from Dhaka divi-
sion, followed by 164 (34%) respondents from Chattogram division, 58 (12%) from Mymensingh
division, and 47 (10%) from Barishal division (Table iv).
Table iv. Division wise distribution of sample population
Division Frequency Percent (n=480)
Dhaka 211 44
Chattogram 164 34
Barishal 47 10
PSU (Village)UnionUpazilaDistrictsDivisionsCountry
71INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA)
Division Frequency Percent (n=480)
Mymensingh 58 12
Total 480 100
Table v. Division-wise population and distribution of planned and actual sample
Population
58
Sample size planned and covered
Name of
Division
Women Youth
59
PWD
Women Youth PWD
Planned
Covered
Planned
Covered
Planned
Covered
Dhaka 2,17,21,556 97,20,910 4,74,988 129 126 62 65 19 20
Chattogram 1,71,60,140 73,01,082 4,44,606 104 104 48 49 14 11
Barishal 46,58,421 20,01,061 1,46,540 28 27 15 17 03 03
Mymensingh
62,33,864 26,88,336 1,88,043 36 36 18 18 06 04
Total
4,97,73,981 2,17,11,390
12,54,177
297 293 143 149 42 38
Distribution of sample size as per study location and
category of respondents
The study included four divisions: Dhaka, Chattogram, Mymensingh, and Barishal. Two districts
were chosen from each division (Dhaka and Munshiganj, Chattogram and Khagrachari,
Mymensingh and Sherpur) except Barishal, where only Patuakhali district was selected due
to its smaller sample size. District selection considered distance and rural characteristics,
excluding divisional headquarters.
INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA) 72
Survey parameters
While selecting individual samples, the following aspects were taken into considerations:
Region — urban, semi-urban and rural areas
Gender
Persons with disability
Youth of 18-29 years Occupation
Education
Other factors identied in consultation with Internews and its partners
Selection of Individual Respondents
There was a basic question from where to start collecting data since a primary sampling unit
(PSU) i.e., village or ward covered a considerable area. Data enumerators were directed to reach
the center of a PSU and visit every 5th house to nd appropriate respondents, approaching
them based on the data collection matrix containing criteria. In case of unavailability of the
expected respondents, the data collectors visited the next house.
In urban areas, every 10th apartment is surveyed to nd potential respondents. This method
accounts for high population density, especially in cities like Dhaka. Random sampling is
employed to select respondents, excluding PWD.
With a mere 1.4% representation of PWDs in Bangladesh, locating them posed a signicant
challenge. To address this, strategies such as snowball sampling and reaching out to Union
Parishad
60
(UP members and other acquaintances were adopted to identify participants.
Qualitative Approaches
In order to gain insights into the communitys media consumption habits, election-related
information needs, social media usage, media literacy, and perceptions of media accuracy and
impartiality, 20 Focus Group Discussions (FGDs) were conducted. These FGDs included ve
dierent groups: youth, women, marginalized individuals, journalists, and CSOs. Each division
had ve FGDs, one for each category (Table vi). A total of 51 youth and 36 women participated
in FGDs across four divisions, alongside 35 marginalized individuals, 39 journalists, and 38
CSO representatives (Figure iv).
73INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA)
Table vi. FGD Location and Distribution
Categories
Number
Location
No. of FGD
participants
Participant selection
criteria and process
Women participants 4
Dhaka=1
Chattogram=1
Mymensingh=1
Barishal=1
36
Age 30-60, various
profession
Youth communities: including
social media users
4
Dhaka=1
Chattogram=1
Mymensingh=1
Barishal=1
51
Age 18-29, various
profession
Marginalized communities:
PWD, ethnic minority, indige-
nous people
4
Dhaka=1
Chattogram=1
Mymensingh=1
Barishal=1
35
Community contact
person and the eld
level enumerator will
help to gather
INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA) 74
Categories
Number
Location
No. of FGD
participants
Participant selection
criteria and process
Local journalists 4
Dhaka=1
Chattogram=1
Mymensingh=1
Barishal=1
39 Do
Local government represen-
tatives, NGO workers, com-
munity opinion leaders, local
cultural group member
4
Dhaka=1
Chattogram=1
Mymensingh=1
Barishal=1
38 Do
Total 20 All locations 199
In addition, 40 Key Informant Interviews (KII) were conducted with media experts, CSOs,
Government ocials, and women activists (Table vii).
Table vii. KII Distribution
Categories Number Location
Governmental ocials from the Ministry of Information/
DFP/PIB
01 Dhaka
Media managers and senior journalists: print media,
broadcast media and online news portals
16 (4 per
location)
Dhaka, Chottagram,
Mymensingh, Barishal
Online activists/bloggers/social media champions 04
Dhaka, Chottagram,
Mymensingh, Barishal
Journalists/press club/union representatives 04
Dhaka, Chottagram,
Mymensingh, Barishal
Internews and partner’s key personnel 04
Dhaka, Chottagram,
Mymensingh, Barishal
Representatives of disability organizations, NGOs com-
bating mis/disinformation, human rights defenders, and
Right to Information experts.
06
Dhaka, Chottagram,
Mymensingh, Barishal
Women activists, youth leaders, PWD, and
Representatives of Gender Diverse Populations’ (LGBTQ)
organization
04
Dhaka, Chottagram,
Mymensingh, Barishal
75INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA)
Data gathering, management and analysis
A simple and systematic random sampling procedure is adopted in gathering data. A pre-de-
signed and pre-tested questionnaire is used to conduct the survey interviews. The team leader
and the survey supervisors supervise the eld level enumerators. The survey is conducted
using printed questionnaires, so all the questionnaires are stored under key locked to main-
tain safety and security. Survey data from every location is arranged in a separate le with a
specic code number. All the lled-in questionnaires are coded accordingly. Moreover, the
name of the survey location is mentioned properly so that data can be easily recognized. The
raw hand notes on FGD as well as the audio recordings with transcription are stored properly.
The research team checked and veried the data for any error that might arise due to oversight
or other human errors. Errors are detected and corrected to ensure accuracy.
The American Association for Public Opinion Research (AAPOR)has developed a set of com-
prehensive ethical standards (revised in April 2021)
61
for carrying out social surveys of which
a few key principles were followed to deal with the personally identiable information (PII):
Recognizing the right of participants to be provided with honest and forthright information
about how personally identiable information that we collect from them will be used.
Recognizing the importance of preventing unintended disclosure of personally identi-
able information. We acted in accordance with all relevant best practices, laws, regu-
lations, and data owner rules governing the handling and storage of such information.
Avoiding disclosing any information that could be used, alone or in combination with
other reasonably available information, to identify participants with their data (name,
position and any identiable information), without participant’s permission.
Data Analysis
Members of the research team analyze the survey data in SPSS (Statistical Package for Social
Science) and prepare the draft report. Frequency, percentage, and categorical values (from
cross tabulation) are gured out and used in the study report. Graphs and charts are also
produced from the numerical ndings to use in the report.
INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA) 76
Approach 1— Analysis for questionnaire survey
Objective Key Research Questions
Findings from
Questionnaire Survey
Analyzing the target
group’s media and infor-
mation consumption
habits and needs
What type of media or communication chan-
nels/platforms do you use for availing infor-
mation and how much (frequently) do you use
them?
Question based nd-
ings, % of the survey
respondents
Approach 2: Analysis for Qualitative Data Analysis
Qualitative data emerged from FGD and KII are analyzed thematically by making use of narrative
analysis. Codes are developed and applied in two rounds of coding, using thematic analysis
and color codes. Dominant themes, relationships and patterns are identied through the sys-
tematic review of interviews, FGDs, and compared with ndings in the literature and from the
quantitative data survey. Salient concepts are coded, and their occurrence and reoccurrence
are labeled manually. Data organization, categorization and synthetization are made accordingly
so that the survey data is possible to complement and supplement through a proper triangu-
lation. In order to analyze the FGD and KII data, colour sorting approach (manually and using
Microsoft word and Microsoft excel) is used to identify the most frequent, frequent and rare
responses on specic issues. In addition to these, direct quotations are used in the report.
The FGD data analysis undergo some specic steps i.e., moderating the FGD, recording the
discussion with consent from the participants, taking attendance, running hand notes on
discussion, audio recording (and if possible audio-visual recording with consent). Soon after
the memory remains afresh, the recorded audio clips are transcribed in English.
Steps in FGD and KII Data Analysis
Then the running notes and transcription are matched together, and the information are coded
under the thematic areas. Then the color sorting methods are used to identify the frequency
and strength of the responses:
All the participants
Almost all
Transcription
Cleaning and
editing data
Participant
quotes
Microsoft Data
Base
Entering
information into
Microsoft Word
Identifying participant
quotes or new ideas
i.e. for group 2,
participant 5; can be
noted like 2.5
Cleaning up by
stripping o non-
essential responses
Audio clips transcribed
and integrated with
handnotes
77INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA)
Most of the participants
About half of the participants
Some of the participants
Rare responses
In the study report, these ndings are supplemented and complemented with the question-
naire survey.
Integration between quantitative and qualitative data
Objective
Key Research
Questions
Findings from
Questionnaire
Survey
Relevant Findings
from FGD
Relevant
Findings from KII
Analyzing the
target group’s
media and
information con-
sumption habits
and needs
What type of media
or communication
channels/platforms
do you use for availing
information and how
much (frequently) do
you use them?
Question
based ndings/
thematic:
% of the survey
respondents
Qualitative per-
spectives/narra-
tives: Reasons for
using stated/said
type of media
Qualitative
perspectives/
narratives:
Supplementing
from the KII nd-
ings (if requires)
Study Limitations and Overcoming Strategies
The study has some limitations of which the major ones include the followings:
The extreme cold delayed data collection in Chattogram’s hilly region, resulting in a slight
delay in gathering the required information. The research team included enumerator
from the hilly region having very good understanding of the local weather and environ-
ment who visited and interacted with the respondents as and when the weather favored.
It was dicult to nd and recruit suitable female and PWD respondents. Snowball sam-
pling procedure was a useful technique to reach the expected respondents. Moreover,
local opinion leaders and better-informed people supported to locate the expected
respondents.
FGD and KII participants expressed concern or declined to participate in the study due
to the sensitive nature of the subject. More motivation and persuasion were needed
along with assurance of maintaining their identity as condential.
Data collectors faced rejection and were barred from entering certain areas. Local
contact persons helped for easing their access.
Being unique and diverse in nature, the study should have covered more samples from
INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA) 78
more regions for better capturing data in a more comprehensive way.
The subject of the study is very new in Bangladesh with people generally lacking under-
standing, particularly regarding certain terms and topics.
The survey was conducted in four divisions on 480 sample populations. Including
more divisions and sample population would facilitate the team to collect data more
comprehensively. However, qualitative data were supportive to understand the situation
eectively.
79INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA)
Annex 2
Baseline Findings
EQ 1.2.2.1: To what extent do the media in Bangladesh produce
stories and reports that are accurate and impartial?
Before 1990s, the dominant media in Bangladesh was the print media i.e., the newspapers and
magazines. In that period, only two state-run broadcast channels, the Bangladesh Television
(BTV) and Bangladesh Betar (radio) were in operation. In a span of three decades, television
has become the most popular broadcast medium in Bangladesh.
62
At present, there are 39
Television channels comprising 20 mixed entertainment channels, nine news-focused channels,
four state-owned channels and ve channels are mainly subject-based focusing on sports,
music, business, infotainment, and child entertainment.
63
To date the news media landscape
in Bangladesh is still dominated by print media. Based on the data published in November
2022 by the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, Government of the People’s Republic
of Bangladesh, there are 455 daily newspapers.
64
Despite the massive number of news media
in Bangladesh, researchers and media academics argue that the news media are too partisan
and biased towards power and politics.
A study entitled ‘Credibility of News and Expansion of Television Media in Bangladesh,’ Nipu
(2016, p. 39) argues that credibility of television news in Bangladesh faces some challenges
including presentation of inaccurate information as a result of unhealthy competition, al-
iation with the political parties and dependence on the corporate branding,
65
Islam (2016)
nds in a study that the television channels in Bangladesh are strongly dominated by power,
politics and inuence of the elite classes where the ‘face and protocol values’ are considered
for news reports rather than the ‘news values’ of an issue, event or aair. The ruling political
party usually gets priority in television news.
66
He also nds the state-run BTV operated by
the people’s revenue, does not consider the interest of the masses. Rather, it plays a role as
the mouthpiece of the government through showing its bold partiality to some of the identical
faces of the government and the ruling political party. Thus, the TV media sidelines or bypasses
the majority of the people through ignoring their issues.
Haider (2007) conducted a content analysis on three private TV channels in the country where
he found the political news getting the highest priority. He also showed that the coverage was
slanted towards the political ideology of the channels. One of the signicant aspects of the TV
news coverage was that they prioritized the protocol values rather than news values by giving
importance on the certain Members of the Parliament and Ministers.
67
These ndings can be
INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA) 80
supported with the arguments of Rahman & Alam (2013, p. 202) who revealed that the reasons
behind the proliferation of television channels is the practice of using them as a tool for ideo-
logical persuasion by the ruling class.
68
Ferdous (2009, p. 18) argues, Bangladesh media are
pro-elite, having urban focus and male dominance in the content. The media, changing their
nature towards free-market economy, do not show much interest to capture the struggles of
the underprivileged classes and the common masses, who are the overwhelming majority in
the country.
69
Media Accuracy
These ndings from the relevant literature review can be substantiated from the present
Information Ecosystem Assessment (IEA) conducted with a sample of 480 respondents cov-
ering four divisions (Dhaka, Chattogram, Mymensingh, and Barishal), which found mixed
responses on media accuracy. The IEA study reveals that more than half of respondents (69%)
(N=480) perceived the Bangladesh media as ‘somewhat accurate’ while about 15% viewed
as ‘accurate’ (Figure i). The survey shows 11% of respondents perceived media’s stories
‘inaccurate.’ Only around 1% of respondents viewed media as ‘very accurate’ while similar
percent of the responds perceived it as very inaccurate.
When disaggregated by division (Figure ii), of the 211 respondents in Dhaka, 80% viewed
media as ‘somewhat accurate’ while 57% (out of 164), and 60% (out of 47) of respondents
viewed the same in Chattogram and Barishal, respectively. In addition, out of 58 respondents
in Mymensingh, 74% reported similar perception. In Barishal 17% of respondents reported
that Bangladesh media as ‘inaccurate’ while 16%, 13% and 7% reported in Mymensingh,
Chattogram, and Dhaka, respectively. Overall, based on the survey area, even though Dhaka
and Chattogram are the home of almost all the mainstream daily newspapers, TV stations and
online portals that have been developed more professionally than those of the outskirts, there
81INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA)
is no signicant dierences in the perception of respondents about the media accuracy. While
there are higher percentage of respondents who said that the media is inaccurate in Barishal
and Mymensingh, there are also higher percentage of people who say that the media is accu-
rate and somewhat accurate in these divisions.
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When disaggregated by type of respondents (Figure iii), from a total of 149 youth respondents,
1% and 9% stated that the news stories are very accurate and accurate respectively, while
77% reported them as ‘somewhat accurate.’ Of the youth respondents, 11% viewed the news
stories as ‘inaccurate.’ Out of 293 female respondents, only 1% stated that the media stories
are ‘very accurate’ and 19% reported as ‘accurate.’ 66% of the female respondents perceived
that the news stories were ‘somewhat accurate’ while 11% of them perceived as ‘inaccurate.
Out of a total of 38 physically disabled respondents, three and eight percent thought that the
media stories were very accurate’ and ‘accurate’ respectively while 68% perceived as ‘some-
what accurate.’ The remaining 11% and 3% viewed the news media as ‘inaccurate’ and ‘very
inaccurate,’ respectively. Overall, based on the type of respondents, there is no signicant
dierence in the perception of respondents about the media accuracy.
Media Impartiality
In terms of presenting the political and electoral news reports, 76% of respondents from the
IEA perceived Bangladesh media as ‘somewhat impartial’ while 10% viewed as ‘impartial.’ Of
the respondents, 11% stated that the media reports were ‘slightly impartial’ (Figure 4). When
disaggregated by type of respondents (Figure 5), about 5% of youth respondents viewed the
news stories as ‘impartial’ while 79% perceived them as ‘somewhat impartial.’ About 13% of
youth viewed the news stories as ‘slightly impartial.’ For female respondents, 12% perceived
the news report as ‘impartial’ and 10% viewed as ‘not impartial at all.’ Almost four-fths (74%)
viewed the new stories in Bangladesh as ‘somewhat impartial.’ The same proportion (8%) of
the respondents with disability viewed the media stories as ‘impartial’ and ‘not impartial at all’
while 79% reported as ‘somewhat impartial.’ Overall, there is no signicant dierence in per-
ception between youth, women, and people with disability in regard to media impartiality.
83INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA)
Based on the survey location (Figure 6), in Dhaka, 8% of the respondents reported that the
news stories were ‘impartial’ and ‘slightly impartial,’ respectively, while 83% perceived as
‘somewhat impartial.’ In Chattogram, 15%, 62%, and 15% of the respondents perceived the
news as ‘impartial,’ ‘somewhat impartial,’ and ‘not impartial,’ respectively. For Barishal, about
four-fths (81%) reported that news media was ‘somewhat impartial’ while 6% and 11% reported
‘impartial’ and ‘slightly impartial,’ respectively. Only 2% of respondents in Barishal perceived
the media as ‘not impartial at all.’ Most respondents (83%) from Mymensingh reported that
news media in Bangladesh was ‘somewhat impartial,’ while 5% and 10% reported as ‘impartial’
and ‘slightly impartial,’ respectively. Only 2% of respondents in Meymensingh perceived the
media as ‘not impartial at all.’ In general, compared to the other division, the respondents in
Chattogram perceived media as less impartial.
News media in Bangladesh, according to 68% respondents, didn’t provide the political lead-
ers/electoral candidates with equal coverage. Only one in 10 respondents thought that the
news media covered dierent political leaders equally. However, one in ve respondents
opined that they didn’t know/were not sure’ of the matter. Regarding the reasons behind
this disparity, news media not giving equal importance to the candidates of dierent political
parties, around 72% of respondents each reported pressuring from vested interest groups
and political aliation of the news media as one of the main reasons. Apprehension of losing
revenues was also reported as another reason by 20% of respondents. Several other reasons
were also mentioned by the respondents, such as: pressure from corporate interests, pressure
from local administration and apprehension of being harassed by the political activists, and
apprehension of being sued (Table viii).
Table viii. Main reasons why news media does not give equal importance to the candidates of dierent
political parties (multiple responses)
Answer Responses Number Percent of Cases (n= 327)
Political aliation of the news
media
236 72.2%
Pressure from vested interest
groups
237 72.5%
Apprehension of losing
revenues
66 20.2%
Others 20 6.1%
Total 559
The aforesaid ndings can further be substantiated with the ndings emerged from the Focus
Group Discussions (FGDs) and Key Informant Interviews (KIIs) conducted as part of the IEA.
INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA) 84
Most of the FGD participants mentioned that the reports and stories of Bangladesh news
media on politics and elections were biased. According to them, news media show partisan-
ship towards their aliated political party, ideology and beliefs since the media owners have
their own political identity. The FGD participants (Journalists) in Mymensingh stated, “Some
local political leaders’ tame journalists who function like their cadres.
The pattern of media ownership and management in Bangladesh has signicantly converted
to private management and almost all the inuential media outlets are owned and managed by
dierent corporates. All the TV channels except four state-run are owned and managed by the
corporate houses having perceived politically aliated and bias that facilitated them to avail
license during two dierent political governments coming to the state power since 1991 to
date. For example, Beximco group, one of the leading business houses owns the news-based
channel ‘Independent TV’ while Bashundhara group possess ‘News24.’ Like the satellite TV
channels, the leading newspapers and the FM radio stations are also owned by the corporates,
for example, Transcom Group, whose major business interventions include electronics, food
and beverage, own the most popular Bangla and English dailies the ‘Prothom Alo’ and the ‘Daily
Star’ besides ‘ABC’ radio. Similarly, the Hameem Group whose major business lines include
textile and clothing own one of the leading new generations daily newspapers, ‘Samakal ‘and
news based ‘Channel24’ while another inuential business group of industry the Jamuna group
having business operations in textiles, chemicals, and constructions possessed one of the
leading dailies ‘Jugantor’ and ‘Jamuna TV.
The media academics and researchers believe that the corporate ownership of the media
houses take a signicant control over the contents. They are found less interested to cover
corporate malpractices, power elite’s corruptions and they are perceived to protect the inter-
ests of the vested interest groups even adopting self-censorship.
70
A study conducted by Riaz & Rahman
71
(2021) reveals how media in Bangladesh are closely
linked to political parties and the ruling regime. The study (Riza & Rahman, 2021) found that
40 TV channels got approval during dierent regimes of Bangladesh Awami League, also the
present ruling party while ve such channels got approval from the tenure of Bangladesh
Nationalist Party (BNP). According to the study, both the Dhaka Tribune and the Bangla Tribune
are owned by 2A Media Limited — a business concern of Gemcon Group, whose vice-chair-
man is the Awami League lawmaker, Kazi Nabil Ahmed. Mohona TV and Duronto TV, which
received licenses in 2010 and 2017 respectively, are owned by ruling party MP Kamal Ahmed
Majumdar and State Minister for Foreign Aairs Shahriar Alam. Interestingly, a signicant
number of people who were initially listed as the owner of the Mohona TV sold their shares
85INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA)
to the people close to Majumdar. In February 2010, four months after receiving the license,
Belal Hossain Bhuiyan, Syed Bazlul Karim, Mohammad Iqbal Hossain and Robin Siddique
sold all their shares to M Amanullah, Chairman of Aman Group and director of Mercantile
Bank. Kamal Ahmed Majumder is the Chairman of the channel. His two sons Shahed Ahmed
Majumder, Ziauddin Ahmed Majumder, their wife, and Awami League MP Hamida Banu, and
Sajib Corporation owner MA Hashem are the directors of the channel. As for Duronto TV, the
channel is run by Barind Media Limited, a subsidiary of Renaissance Group owned by State
Minister for Foreign Aairs Shahriar Alam. It is not only that the licenses are given to the sup-
porters of the incumbents, but the existing channels’ ownerships also tend to change to the
hands of the people who either belong to the ruling party or are at least considered safe by
them. For example, a license was issued to Sajjat Ali in 1999 for a television channel named Ten
TV. After the BNP came into power in 2001, ownership changed hands. On January 30, 2003,
BNP leader and a close condant of then Prime Minister Khaleda Zia Mohammad Mosaddak
Ali bought the TV Channel’s license from Sajjat Ali and renamed it NTV. Former BNP leader
Mushqur Rahman MP was awarded a license for Desh TV. Later, Awami League MP Saber
Hossain Chowdhury bought most of its shares.
The FGD ndings also revealed that some political leaders are operating online news portals
and various digital and social media platforms run by their own supporters. The purpose of
this strategy is to ensure that the one-sided news that they produce would instantly reach
many people through the digital and social media platforms. Regarding the role and practice
of media in Bangladesh, some FGD participants also show their concern about the lack of
impartiality in the news media industry. “Where there is money, there is media,” said a FGD
participant in Chattogram. According to him, “Media is not free in Bangladesh,” implying that
the media is tied to the agenda of their funders. One of the FGD with CSO participants said,
“the state-run media implements ruling party agenda while the corporate — run media looks
after their business interest. So, these media are not the mass media.
During a FGD with Marginalized people in Dhaka Division the IEA study found diverse perception
about the trustworthiness of media and social media. One participant expressed “We do not
get credible political and electoral news from the news media; we make our own judgement
about the news being presented in the media.” Another FGD participant added, “Facebook
spreads more fake news than the television channels, so, we trust television channels more
since some of the news channels try to cover live news and try to maintain accuracy.” In a rare
statement, one of the female FGD participants in Dhaka said, “Information from Facebook/
YouTube are not always correct, but the speech of the community opinion leaders is always
accurate. So, we do trust the speech of the community people.
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The ndings from the KIIs showed, some of the mainstream news media try to maintain neutral-
ity in covering various event-based news. But, in covering political news, media can’t maintain
neutrality due to political aliation of the media owners and the journalists. The KIIs in all of
the four divisions found that the political and electoral news is strongly controlled by both the
ruling political party and the administration. With many media being associated or owned
by the ruling party, it is easy for the ruling party to impose certain measures that prohibit the
media to publish news that go against their vested interests or their malpractices like illegal
business, political or business lobbying and other corrupt practices.
As mentioned earlier, two big political parties i.e., Bangladesh Awami League and Bangladesh
Nationalist Party (BNP) directly owned/aliated with media. Additionally, a few other major
political parties i.e., Jatiya Party (Manju) had also aliated with one of the leading dailies of
the country ‘The Daily Ittefaq.’ Manju served as the editor and publisher of The Daily Ittefaq
from 1972 to 2007. Similarly, “Daily Naya Diganta, a newspaper owned by Diganta Media
Corporation run by a political leader of Jammat-e-Islami Bangladesh is still published while
‘Diganta Television’ was. However, other than the inuence of the business and political parties
behind the media, the KII with one of senior journalists revealed that media accuracy some-
times happened due to lack of required skills and abilities in election and political reporting.
Trust in Media
Despite having some lapses and gaps in terms of media accuracy and impartiality, the com-
munity people still trust the media at varied levels. With a view to guring out the trusted
media among the respondents of the IEA, a question ‘What news media/channels do you
trust in getting political and electoral news?’ was asked with multiple answers allowed.
72
The
respondents’ views were dierent with high preference towards the television having more
than 75% of responses (Figure 7). Following this, as a single social media platform Facebook
was trusted by the respondents with 40% response rate, followed by YouTube (36%). Online
news portal was trusted by 28% of the respondents. The Daily newspaper was trusted by
18% of the respondents. The print media like posters, leaets etc. was trusted by around
78% of the respondents. Imo, a single social media platform, and visual media like banners,
festoons, sideboards, transit ad etc. each was trusted by more than 10% of the respondents.
Government website was trusted only by around 9% of the respondents, while CSO/NGO
website was trusted by 7% of the respondents. Both Tiktok and WhatsApp as a single social
media platform each was trusted by at least 7% of the respondents. News magazines (print),
radio, and both Twitter and Instagram, each was trusted only by around 2% of the respondents,
the lowest in the list.
87INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA)
Television is trusted especially for its audio-visual and live coverage capability of an event or
incident. As expressed by one of the youth FGD participants in Dhaka “Television is trustworthy
because it can cover any events or incidents live even from the spot where there are much more
elements to believe. We can see and hear what is happening simultaneously when TV covers
it live from the spot. The reason of trust for the newspapers is that “the newspapers are a
long-standing traditional news media having prolong experiences of journalism in the country,
the discussants mentioned. The reasons behind the trust towards social media include that
the content is produced and shared by people who are sometimes well-known. However, the
ndings from the FGDs with the women and marginalized groups showed that, most of the
people of these categories could not use Facebook due to dearth of time, lack of smart phones
and operational skills. They sometimes used Facebook or experienced Facebook content via
their other youth family members, relatives and the community people. Many respondents of
these categories also mentioned that they could not dierentiate between the credible and
non-credible social media content.
EQ 1.2.2.2: What are the challenges and opportunities to
improve media accuracy and impartiality on the
election process?
Challenges
The FGD ndings revealed some of the pragmatic challenges and opportunities to improve
INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA) 88
media accuracy and impartiality in the election process. According to them, the biggest
challenge is that for 15 years the country is undergoing political dominance by one party
because other political parties rarely got facilitation to be institutionalized. Furthermore, the
ruling political party doesn’t embrace a congenial context for media freedom. Thus, without
actual opposition and media freedom to realize the check-and-balances system, which is the
backbone of democracy, it is challenging for democracy in Bangladesh to fully develop into
its mature form. Moreover, the KIIs opined that the political aliation of the media owners
and the journalists function as a big barrier to report political and electoral issues and aairs
impartially. Although some of the mainstream news media have editorial policies to follow,
they are like ‘eyewash’ as per views of the FGD and KII respondents. “Every media house is
owned by a powerful person or a corporate. This means that the media policy is developed by
the powerful classes with political aliation to the big political parties. Therefore, their policies
will reect the vested interest of the business and the political parties that own these media.
Unsurprisingly, these corporate media will show partisanship towards their collaborators, isn’t
it a common practice?, said one of the CSO FGD participants in Chottagram. However, it is
mentionable that the local news media in general have no written editorial policy.
The FGDs and KII with the journalists also reveal that they faced pressures from various quarters
like the vested interest groups, advertising agencies, corporates, some government agencies,
local administration and the power elites. These pressures are the major challenges faced by
journalists to be independent and impartial in their reporting. The KII in Dhaka viewed, “The
media in Bangladesh are passing through a tough time. They are not playing proper journalism
role in real sense. Journalists should not be partisan. In reality, the journalists actually support
political parties and sometimes involve in politics themselves. This is ne but they have to be
responsible. They must either remain impartial in their reporting or discharge their professional
duties. Additionally, the owners are using media for their own purpose.
Another challenge to media accuracy and impartiality is the risk of being sued under DSA if
they produce any coverage that goes against the government authorities, political leaders and
the vested interest groups. This threat to legal action also often accompanied by physical and
mental harassment, as expressed by one of the participants of FGD with CSOs in Chattogram
state, “Politics is sick in Bangladesh. Being a social worker, I face impediments. When I intend
to talk independently, I face barriers from the government administration and the local poli-
ticians. In Mymensingh, the FGD with local journalists, the participants in general mention,
“We are supported by the local administration only if we favor them. When we want to report
on the real facts and gures, skirmishes are generated, and we are given pressure not to cover
such issues that can go against the interest of the local political leaders or the administration.
89INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA)
According to the FGD and KII ndings, media accuracy also depends on the journalist’s skills
and abilities to cover an issue or aair properly. The FGD ndings derived from the category
of local journalists showed that almost all of them have no mentionable training on covering
politics and election though it is a distinct ‘news beat’ which requires some specialized knowl-
edge and skills on dierent phases and formalities of election. The FGD participants in general
stated that the reporters are provided with a mere brief on what to cover and how to gather
information from the seniors/media houses before going to cover an election story. The FGD
ndings derived from the local journalists also showed that their media houses barely equip
them with necessary trainings, workshops, guidelines and logistic supports.
Regarding dealing with mis-/disinformation that aect the accuracy of the media coverage,
the journalists participating in the FGDs state that to verify information they would do eld
visits and ask relevant people and authorities to explore the truth. They have no understand-
ing of using modern technologies like relevant software or apps for fact-checking. Of the
FGD participant journalists in Dhaka, a few had little experience of using software and apps
i.e., Reverse Image Search(TinEye), Factcheck.org, InVID in their universities or in the media
houses to scan/identify rumor. This lack of skills is clearly not on-par with the spread of mis/
dis-information in the social media, as expressed by one of the FGD participants, “There are
good and bad sides of technology. Society is in trouble as the users of social media, especially
Facebook, are spreading rumors frequently. On the other hand, we are not equipped with the
necessary skills to quickly verify the news. To justify the accuracy of information, we have to
count on our journalistic instinct, that we have developed over time through experiences and
journalism exposures. We have to talk to dierent sources to verify accuracy of information.
Without being equipped with the necessary skills and knowledge to use appropriate software
and technology, it is clearly challenging for journalists to catch-up with the spread of the mis/
dis-information in the digital world and improve the accuracy of their coverage.
Opportunities
Despite the challenges, the interactions between FGD and KII participants also revealed some
opportunities. According to the KIIs, many young people are undertaking jobs in the media
houses who have good knowledge in modern ICTs. Their capacity can be easily enhanced
through training on fact checking since they have a positive mindset of using technologies.
According to a KII, the senior people have some sort of technophobia in the country for not
being habituated with the recent social and digital media expansion, but the youth are very
much comfortable to this transformation since they are habituated with the use of smartphones
from their early life.
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The ever-growing digital and social media and the use of smartphones in Bangladesh is like
a double-edged sword. While, as expressed by one of the FGD participants, the easy access
to smartphones has created menace, digital technology and social media can also be utilized
for dissemination of accurate information to the masses through fair dealings. There are some
popular folk Media in various regions, for example, Gambhira is a very interactive form of dis-
seminating information on various social issues originated from the Rajshahi region. Jaree, a
performance-based group song, is very popular in Mymensigh region. These folk media can be
used for making youth better understand how to vote for the rst time and making the women
and the people with disabilities to be more aware of their political rights, particularly the voting
rights. The youth can be the wheeling forces who can be trained to prepare suitable content
for the media. Moreover, the literacy rate in Bangladesh is augmenting (at present 74.66%)
73
which will be a facilitating tool for the media literacy.
Lastly, even though the KII and FGD participants expressed that almost all the media are not
independent, and they are aliated with the political beliefs and ideologies, some news-based
TV channels are still perceived to be moderately independent and professional despite their
political aliation. For example, Somoy TV, Jamuna Television, Independent Television, Channel
24, DBC. Similarly, among the newspapers, the Prothom Alo, The Daily Star, The New Age are
perceived to be moderately professional than other dailies. These media could be trained
aiming at improving the accuracy and impartiality of their reporting on election process.
EQ 2.1.3.1: To what extent has civil society been engaged
in countering disinformation, misinformation, and
hate speech?
In Bangladesh, only a handful CSOs are found moderately visible in working to combat disin-
formation, misinformation, and hate speech directly. The issue is a new concept in Bangladesh
which emerged gradually due to the mushroom growth of the digital and social media platforms.
According to the ndings from the key informant interviews with the CSO representatives,
only a few civil society organizations are moderately visible in Bangladesh and work on
media literacy. The ndings from KII also revealed that the Civil Society around dealing with
disinformation, misinformation, and hate speech has not grown signicantly in Bangladesh
yet. Only a handful of organizations are trying to work on these emerging issues. These
CSOs include SACMID (South Asia Center for Media in Development), VOICE (Voices for
interactive choice and empowerment), Article 19, MOVE Foundation, youth-led non-prot
organization; MRDI (Management and Resources Development Initiative) and Institute
for Environment and Development (IED).
91INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA)
The ‘VOICE’ has a program, ‘Counter Hate Speech and Misinformation’ that fosters young
participants including journalists, social & cultural activists, women, indigenous and minority
activists, artists, lmmakers, photographers, bloggers, writers & university students through
facilitating capacity and knowledge development to counter hate speech and misinformation
and promote responsible use of digital space.
74
It has also implemented a project on COVID
19 Communication Crisis and Misinformation. The IED has been implementing a project
‘Strengthening traditional civil society (TCS) to combat digital disinformation in Bangladesh.
They are planning to arrange capacity building workshops and trainings for the civil society
members and the youth so that they can identify malicious digital content and undertake steps
to counter them. The activities are aimed at facilitating civil society members and youth to
identify ideological standpoints and other intentions of the suspicious social media contents
and to learn the process to make a positive story which encourage tolerance, harmony, fra-
ternity, gender sensitivity, and non-violence becoming viral online. MRDI, having wide expe-
riences of working with community journalists, is now implementing a project ‘Promoting
Fact Checking to Counter Misinformation in Bangladesh’ in which a few specic activities are
being carried out. The activities include training of content development, training of trainers
(ToT) on fact-checking for journalists’/youth groups/journalism teachers and training for peer
educator journalists’/youth groups/journalism teachers. These organizations sometimes
arrange some sort of training and workshop on media literacy. Article 19 has launched an
online course in the area of media literacy. Article 19 demanded a national Plan of Action to
counter hate speech on June 17, 2022.
75
The ‘Move Foundation’ campaigns for countering
mis-/disinformation and hate speeches through arranging dierent programs like the seminar
on ‘Fighting infodemic and extremism.
EQ 2.1.3.2: To what extent is civil society equipped to
counter disinformation, misinformation, and hate speech?
According to the KIIs with the CSO representatives, awareness of disinformation, misinforma-
tion, and hate speech is still a new and emerging phenomenon to most of the civil society of
Bangladesh. The phenomenon, however, has grown exponentially alongside the growth of the
digital and social media platforms and the use of smartphones. One of the CSO key informants
termed the smartphones as ‘hand grenades’ that are used for spreading mis-/disinformation
and hate speech. Despite the phenomenon, the CSOs participants in Dhaka agreed that CSOs
in Bangladesh are yet to be ready to counter these issues in terms of the abilities, skills and
resources. Furthermore, the CSOs who are moderately active in this eld are suering from
both the nancial resources and knowledge-based contents/materials., the CSOs working in
this area have limited expertise to produce eective contents to combat this phenomenon.
The Civil society in Bangladesh is barely equipped to counterdisinformation, misinformation,
INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA) 92
and hate speech. They signicantly lack the knowledge and skills that are needed to counter
is/dis-information and hate speech. For example, there are rare training modules/ manuals
and publicity materials, especially campaign contents in countering mis-/disinformation and
hate speech. Additionally, the CSOs also do not have enough nancial resources to tackle the
phenomenon. The CSOs operating from Dhaka mostly depend on the donors project-based
nancial support. After completion of a project they usually face nancial diculties, declining
human resources and edging maintenance costs. CSOs outside Dhaka, for example Jonouddog
(people’s initiative), which is run by local people, mostly depend on donations from benevolent
persons or local organizations/business.
EQ 2.1.3.3: What are the opportunities and challenges
to strengthening the capacity of civil society to
counter disinformation, misinformation, and hate speech?
Challenges
Other than the lack of nancial resources and technical know-hows of the tools and tech-
niques of countering mis-/disinformation and hate speeches that have been discussed above,
CSOs also face some subtle challenges such as local political context
76
and government
surveillances. NGOs/CSOs depend on government’s support, meaning positive attitude,
participation in projects, cooperation and approval
77
for working on this issue especially for
working with the wider stakeholders like the media people, local government and administra-
tions. For example, the local level administrators generally refuse to attend any programs of
awareness where there is no proper approval from the authority. There are opportunities to
work on media literacy with wider stakeholders i.e., the youth leaders, CSOs at the grassroots
level, engaging experts and academia. However, the challenges include the limitations of
nancial resources, devices like computers and cameras, skills to plan and produce suitable
contents for dierent types of media on proper use of social and digital media. They need
both the theoretical understanding and the technical skills of audio-visual content production,
manual and module development on mis-/disinformation and hate speech and carrying out
the formative study. The KIIs with the CSO/NGO representatives also revealed that their sta
have limited knowledge and skills on gender equality and social inclusion to be able to apply
gender inclusive lenses in their coverage.
Opportunities
There are many NGOs and CSOs, for example, Proshika, BRAC, ASA, Jaago Foundation,
Bangladesh Adivasi Forum, Bangladesh Jatiya Protibondhi Kalyan Foundation, Consumers
Association of Bangladesh, SACMID, VOICE, MOVE Foundation, youth-led non-prot organiza-
tion; Article 19, MRDI, Institute for Environment and Development (IED), Jonouddog (people’s
93INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA)
initiatives) etc. who have gained signicant experiences of awareness building on diverse
socio-economic issues. These enriched experiences can be easily mobilized to work in this
very relevant eld of countering mis-/disinformation and hate speech.
Furthermore, the CSOs also expressed the needs and interest to participate in combating
mis/disinformation and hate speech. The CSOs representatives are concerned that rumors
which are spread through the media sometimes create anarchic situation causing communal
disharmony and a huge casualty. During the data collection, representatives from Proshika,
Consumers Association of Bangladesh, Article 19, Jonouddog, SACMID, VOICE whom the
research team has interacted with have showed interests to undergo capacity building activities
like training, workshops and ToT on the tools and techniques of combating mis-/disinformation
and hate speeches. They also intend to master the skills of fair content production for raising
awareness on mis/dis-information and hate speech and on how to counter the phenomenon.
INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA) 94
Endnotes
1 Correspondent, Sta. “Democracy in Decline in Bangladesh.” Prothomalo, March 3, 2023. https://en.prothomalo.com/
bangladesh/ctp9s4332f.
2 Bangladesh behind both Pakistan and Afghanistan in World Press Freedom Index
2023 (unb.com.bd), July 13, 2023. https://unb.com.bd/category/Bangladesh/
bangladesh-behind-both-pakistan-and-afghanistan-in-world-press-freedom-index-2023/114635.
3 In this study, the youth include the population belonging to the age group of 18-29.
4 Some of the respondents still use button phones while many have kept these phone sets that they used earlier to shift
to the smartphone. Many village women are still comfortable with button (or feature) phones.
5 Road infrastructure especially in the rural and hilly areas of Bangladesh is considered a barrier to access to news
media, for example, printed versions of newspapers rarely reach there. In some places, people need to go to the near-
est Bazar, or local administration oce to access information.
6 Interpersonal communication fundamentally denotes an exchange of message, views, ideas, and information between
two or more people mostly in the presence of the source and receiver.
7 Misinformation: Information that is false, but not intentional and deliberate and person disseminating believes it is
true. Disinformation: Information that is false, but intentional and deliberate and person disseminating believes it is
true.
8 An ability to access, understand and evaluate media messages and act upon the same.
9 Rep Report, Star Digital. “Bangladeshs Literacy Rate Now 74.66%.” The Daily Star, July 27, 2022. https://www.thedai-
lystar.net/youth/education/news/bangladeshs-literacy-rate-now-7466-3080701.
10 Frequency of time: daily, weekly, Monthly or less frequent than that.
11 KII, FGD and literature review
12 Here, feudalistic means the news media owner’s dominating attitude undermining the needs and opinions of the
ordinary employees i.e., the media people and other stas.
13 List of the 11th Parliament members, Bangladesh Parliament
14 The much-used Taro Yamane formula has been applied for calculating sample size for the target groups of nite
population.
15 Retrieved from https://www-archive.aapor.org/Standards-Ethics/AAPOR-Code-of-Ethics.aspx, on 26.12.2022.
16 Riaz, A. & Rahman, M. S. (2021). WHO OWNS THE MEDIA IN BANGLADESH? Centre for Governance Studies.
17 Khan, Md Anowarul Arif, Md Mostazur Rahman Khan, Mahmudul Hassan, Firoz Ahmed, and Shah Md Rauful Haque.
“Role of community radio for community development in Bangladesh.” The International Technology Management
Review 6, no. 3 (2017): 94-102.
18 Ferdous, R. “Gonomaddhyam: Rajnoitik Orthonitee O Kshyamota Proshna (Mass Media: Question of Political Economy
and Power [in Bangla]).” Gonomaddhyam/Shrenimaddhyam’ (Mass Media/Class Media), Robaet Ferdous (ed.), Dhaka:
Shrabon Prokashani (2009).
19 List of television stations in Bangladesh. Wikipedia, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_television_stations_in_
Bangladesh on 01.08.2023.
20 Media Scanning on Road Safety Issues in Bangladesh, Islam, S.M.S. (2021), Global Health Advocacy Incubator (GHAI).
21 Riaz, Ali. Who Owns the Media in Bangladesh? Centre for Governance Studies, 2021 & Nipu, S.U. and Shah Alomgir,
MD. “Credibility of News and Expansion of Television Media in Bangladesh.” In Bangla ‘Betar Television Sangbadikota
O Prashangik Vabna,’ Dhaka, Bangladesh Press Institute, 2016.
22 Islam, Sheikh Mohammad Shaul (2016) Coverage bias of Bangladesh television media: a portrayal of power and
95INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA)
politics. retrieved on 03.05.2023 from Jurnal Komunikasi; Malaysian Journal of Communication, 32 (2). pp. 240-258.
ISSN 0128-1496.
23 Reza, SM Shameem. “Media governance in Bangladesh: Rhetoric and reality of broadcasting policy.” In Forum/The
Daily Star, vol. 6, no. 5. 2012.
24 Bangladesh Government Policy. “Bangladesh Government Policy.” Retrieved on July 18, 2023, from https://policy.gov.
bd.
25 Government of the people’s republic of Bangladesh, “National telecommunications policy 1998” Ministry of post and
telecommunications, Dhaka, Bangladesh, March 1998. http://www.btrc.gov.bd/sites/default/les/les/btrc.portal.gov.
bd/policies/3a4db4bf_1f88_40ea_a106_a06a10685294/telecom_policy_1998_0.pdf.
26 Reza, S. Media Governance, 2012.
27 DIGITAL SECURITY ACT, 2018, Peoples Republic of Bangladesh; retrieved on 03.05.2023 from https://www.cirt.gov.
bd/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/Digital-Security-Act-2020.pdf.
28 The Right to Information Act, 2009; Information Commission, Peoples Republic of Bangladesh; retrieved on
15.07.2023 from http://www.infocom.gov.bd/site/view/law/-RTI-Act,-Rules-and-Regulations.
29 Bangladesh People 2019, CIA World Factbook.” Accessed July 18, 2023. https://theodora.com/world_fact_
book_2019/bangladesh/bangladesh_people.html.
30 Leadership or Stagnation: The Future of Media Viability in Bangladesh, 2021, Management and Resources
Development Initiative, Dhaka, Bangladesh.
31 Leadership or Stagnation, 2021.
32 Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics, Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey 2019, Dhaka, Bangladesh retrieved on July 15,2023
from https://www.unicef.org/bangladesh/media/3281/le/Bangladesh%202019%20MICS%20Report_English.pdf.
33 An Exploratory Study: People’s Perspective on Mass Media-Bangladesh Context, Poriprekkhit: 2016, Dhaka,
Bangladesh.
34 Media Landscapes. “Bangladesh.” Accessed July 15, 2023. https://medialandscapes.org/country/bangladesh.
35 Kemp, Simon. “Digital 2020: Bangladesh.” Datareportal. Available online: https://datareportal.com/reports/digi-
tal-2022-bangladesh (2020).
36 Dhaka Tribune, News article “Bangladesh 5th in Covid-19 death toll among journalists” Accessed November 09, 2020.
37 Leadership or Stagnation, 2021.
38 The Daily Star, “RSF Report on Global Media Index” Accessed May 04, 2022.
39 Digital Security Act: Misused to muzzle dissent, 22 Feb 2021. https://www.thedailystar.net/frontpage/news/digital-se-
curity-act-misused-muzzle-dissent-2048837, The Daily Star, retrieved on 24.07.2023.
40 “Bangladesh Arrests Investigative Journalist for COVID Reporting.” Accessed July 24, 2023. https://www.aljazeera.
com/news/2021/5/18/rozina-islam-bangladesh-arrests-journalist-for-covid-reporting.
41 Dhaka Tribune. “World Press Freedom Index: Bangladesh Slips One Place.” Accessed May 1, 2021. Note: SOP*:
Standard Operational Procedure/Policy.
42 Note: For the multiple responses, percentage of cases becomes more than 100%.
43 Riaz, WHO OWNS THE MEDIA, P.17.
44 Riaz, A. & Rahman, M. S. 2021 P.17.
45 Riaz, A. & Rahman, M. S. (2021).
46 Riaz, A. & Rahman, M. S. 2021. &- Ferdous, R. “Gonomaddhyam: Rajnoitik Orthonitee O Kshyamota Proshna (Mass
Media: Question of Political Economy and Power [in Bangla]).” Gonomaddhyam/Shrenimaddhyam’ (Mass Media/
Class Media), Robaet Ferdous (ed.), Dhaka: Shrabon Prokashani (2009).
47 Media Literacy among students of secondary schools and madrasahs of Bangladesh, Asaduzzaman, et.al. (2019),
INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA) 96
South Asia Centre for Media in Development (SACMID). Dhaka.
48 KII with its senior ocial & also found information from: https://voicebd.org/https-counterhatespeech-net/ on
02.02.2023.
49 Note: Local political atmosphere has been complicated now-a-days associated with strong conicts and violence
among intra and inter political parties. Besides inter political party conicts, intra (within a specic political party)
conicts are noticed that leave a huge causality.
50 For availing foreign funds, the NGOs and CSOs have to take permission and clearance from the NGO Bureau which
screens and monitors their activities closely. Sometimes, NGO bureau delay or disapprove activities of those NGOs
and CSOs who are not in good book of the government and the power elites. Even in the local level, arranging any
gathering or public programmes needs some sorts of approvals and permission from the authority.
51 May be for quarterly or bi-yearly.
52 Detailed list is given at the end of the report.
53 The much-used Taro Yamane formula has been applied for calculating sample size for the target groups of nite
population.
54 POPULATION & HOUSING CENSUS 2022.
55 Number and percentage (22% of total population) of the youth population belonging to age groups of 18-29 has been
estimated in each division based on the Census Report, BBS, Aug 2022.
56 Total population calculated as 72,739,548 [Women 49,773,981 + People with disability 12,54,177 + Youth 21,711,390
(est. from total population in four divisions) = 72,739,548].
57 TG stands for target group. In the study, the target groups are women, youth and people with disabilities (PWD).
58 POPULATION & HOUSING CENSUS 2022.
59 Number and percentage (22% of total population) of the youth population belonging to age groups of 18-29 has been
estimated in each division based on the Census Report, BBS, Aug 2022.
60 Union Parishad: The lowest tier of local government system in Bangladesh.
61 Retrieved from https://www-archive.aapor.org/Standards-Ethics/AAPOR-Code-of-Ethics.aspx, on 26.12.2022.
62 Country Policy and Information Note-Bangladesh: Journalists, the press and social media, Version 2.0, January 2021,
UK Home Oce.
63 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_television_stations_in_Bangladesh, retrieved on 02.02.2023.
64 Ministry of and Broadcasting and Information, Government of the People’s Republic of Bangladesh (2022), available
at: https://moi.gov.bd/sites/default/les/les/moi.portal.gov.bd/miscellaneous_info/7d60a180_2e71_47fd_a1d2_
bbaa161d7acf/media%20listed%20paper11.8.22.pdf, Retrieved on 02.02.2023.
65 Nipu, S.U. (2016), Credibility of News and Expansion of Television Media in Bangladesh. In ‘Betar Television
Sangbadikota O Prashangik Vabna’ (Radio and Television Journalism and Relevant Thoughts), eds. Md. Shah Alamgir
et al., Dhaka: Bangladesh Press Institute.
66 Islam, S.M.S., Coverage bias of Bangladesh television media, 2016.
67 Haider, Kazi Mamun. “Besarkari Television Channele, 2007.
68 Rahman, A. & Alam, K. (2013). State, Capital and Media in the Age of Globalization: An Inquiry into the Rapid Growth of
Private TV Channels of Bangladesh. Social Science Review. [The Dhaka University Studies, Part-D], Vol. 30(1).
69 Ferdous, R., Mass Media, 2009.
70 Islam, SMS, Media Scanning on Road Safety Issues in Bangladesh, an unpublished study, August 2021.
71 Riaz, A. & Rahman, M. S. 2021. P.17.
72 Note: For the multiple responses, percentage of cases becomes more than 100%.
73 The Daily Star, News Article “Bangladesh’s literacy rate now 74.66%” Accessed February 02, 2023.
97INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA)
74 Voice for interactive choice and empowerment, Workshop discussion “Counter Hate Speech and Misinformation”
Accessed February 2, 2023 https://voicebd.org/https-counterhatespeech-net/.
75 Tbsnews.net, News Article “Article 19 urges government to develop a national plan of action to counter hate speech
Accessed June 17, 2022.
76 Note: Local political atmosphere has been complicated now-a-days associated with strong conicts and violence
among intra and inter political parties. Besides inter political party conicts, intra (within a specic political party)
conicts are noticed that leave a huge causality.
77 For availing foreign funds, the NGOs and CSOs have to take permission and clearance from the NGO Bureau which
screens and monitors their activities closely. Sometimes, NGO bureau delay or disapprove activities of those NGOs
and CSOs who are not in good book of the government and the power elites. Even in the local level, arranging any
gathering or public programmes needs some sorts of approvals and permission from the authority.
INTERNEWS: INFORMATION ECOSYSTEM ASSESSMENT (IEA) 98
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