Moving Past Victimization and Trauma Toward Restoration: Mother

Faulkner et al. / International Perspectives in Victimology 7 (2), 46-55

The Press

ORIGINAL ARTICLE DOI: 10.5364/ipiv.7.2.46

Moving Past Victimization and Trauma Toward

Restoration: Mother Survivors of Sex Trafficking Share

Their Inspiration

Monica Faulkner

Neely Mahapatra

, Laurie Cook Heffron

, Maura Busch Nsonwu

, Noël Busch-Armendariz

Little research examines the experiences of victims of sex trafficking after they have been rescued and only a handful of studies collected

primary data from these victims. This qualitative study involved in-person interviews with immigrant sex trafficking victims. Findings

reveal that female victims face challenges similar to transnational mothers; they experience separation and their role as mothers is

largely focused on self-sacrifice. Findings also suggest that it is important for practitioners to understand that female immigrant sex

trafficking victims who are mothers may have a strong commitment to their children that may assist them toward restoration and

looking toward the future.

uman trafficking victims are forced into slavery

for domestic servitude, labor industries, street

peddling, agricultural work, restaurant services,

factory work, and/or for sexual exploitation

(prostitution, strip clubs, peep shows, etc.) (Bales &

Lize, 2005; Busch-Armendariz, Nsonwu, Cook

Heffron, & Mahapatra, 2013). In the United States

and internationally, sex trafficking is the fastest

growing form of human trafficking (Hodge, 2008;

Macy & Johns, 2011; United Nations, 2002)

primarily because of the demand for paid sexual

services. While the United States is a destination

country for sex trafficking victims, exact numbers of

individuals trafficked for the purpose of sexual

exploitation are unknown (Macy & Johns, 2011).

However, the U.S. Department of Justice estimates

that 82% of suspected trafficking cases are classified

as sex trafficking (Banks & Kyckelhahn, 2011).

The impact of sex trafficking as a human rights,

criminal justice, and public health issue is garnering

increased attention by advocates and scholars

because of its impact on victims and communities

(Raymond & Hughes, 2001; World Health

Organization, 2000). Sex trafficking victims

experience physical violence, long-term emotional

distress, and health problems (Busch-Armendariz, et

al., 2013; Decker, Silverman, & Raj, 2007; Hodge,

2008; Macy & Johns, 2011; Raymond & Hughes,

2001). As sex trafficking victims are more likely to

be women (Macy & Johns, 2011), sex trafficking is

recognized by the World Health Organization as a

form of violence against women (WHO, 2000). The

WHO has noted that trafficking for the purposes of

sexual exploitation has likely increased the global

spread of HIV/AIDS.

Despite the impact of sex trafficking there is little

empirical information about victims of sex

trafficking. Indeed much of the literature focuses on

debates on how best to estimate the number of

trafficking victims rather than how to serve victims.

Different agencies, governments, and advocates use

estimates to account for the lack of systemic data

collection (Feingold, 2010). Much of the information

on trafficking, and sex trafficking, in particular,

involves moral debates about definitions and

differences between prostitution and sex trafficking

(Laczko, 2005; Zhang, 2009). Rather than engage in

an ongoing debate about human trafficking estimates

and definitions, this research contributes to existing

literature by listening to the needs of trafficking

victims as they report. There is also limited

information regarding victims of sex trafficking to

inform service delivery models (Macy & Johns,

2011). Additionally, there is still little information

about the wellbeing and needs of victims once they

are identified and rescued (Busch-Armendariz et al.,

2013; Logan, Walker, & Hunt, 2009; Macy & Johns,

2011). In particular, information about the long-term

experiences of trafficking victims is nearly absent

from the literature. In a comprehensive literature

review of services for sex trafficking victims, Macy

and Johns (2011) note the absence of literature on the

unique needs of sex trafficking victims who are

mothers.

School of Social Work, The University of Texas at Austin, One University Station, D3500, Austin, TX 78712,

University of Wyoming, 1000 E

University Ave, Laramie, WY 82071,

A & T State University, 1601 East Market Street, Greensboro, NC. *e-mail: mfaul[email protected]texas.edu

Faulkner et al. / International Perspectives in Victimology 7 (2), 46-55

The Press

This study contributes to the existing literature by

presenting information from in-depth interviews with

victims of international sex trafficking who are

mothers. Few studies have interviewed victims of

trafficking living in the United States after their

rescue (Aron, Zweig, & Newmark, 2006; Busch,

Fong, Heffron, Faulkner, & Mahapatra 2007;

Busch-Armendariz et al., 2008; Busch-Armendariz,

Nsonwu, Cook Heffron, Hernandez, & Garza, 2009;

The Florida State University Center for the

Advancement of Human Rights, 2003). More often

literature regarding trafficking involves interviews

with service providers about the services victims

need. Thus, the voice of victims is not readily

represented in the literature on trafficking,

specifically sex trafficking.

The current study involves a secondary analysis

of 13 interviews conducted by Monica Faulkner and

colleagues as part of an evaluation of a local human

trafficking coalition in Austin, Texas, United States

of America. Anti-trafficking coalitions have formed

across the United States as service providers

collaborate to advocate and coordinate services for

victims of trafficking identified in their geographic

area. The purpose of the larger program evaluation

was to explore the effectiveness of the local

collaboration in serving the needs of trafficking

victims. Using the data from that larger program

evaluation, the current study explores the experiences

of immigrant sex trafficking victims who were also

mothers.

Overview of Human Trafficking

The U.S. Department of State publishes an annual

report providing updated estimates on the number of

individuals suspected of being trafficked

internationally. A recent report estimates that there

are approximately 27 million trafficking victims

worldwide (US State Department, 2011). However,

there are no national or internationally representative

statistics that document the exact number of victims

trafficked to the United States every year because

trafficking victims are difficult to identify (Brennan,

2005; Tyldum & Brunovskis, 2005). The United

States Department of Justice has created a Human

Trafficking Reporting System (HTRS) that is the

only system currently used to collect information on

trafficking investigations in the United States (Banks

& Kyckelhahn, 2011). The HTRS is limited because

it only captures data on trafficking victims whose

cases were investigated by a federally funded law

enforcement task force and currently contains

information from only 527 victims. However, given

the lack of information otherwise available, HTRS

provides exploratory information about sex

trafficking victims.

Based on HTRS data, 48.4% of sex trafficking

cases involved adults and 40.4% of sex trafficking

cases involved sexual exploitation of a child. Of these

cases, 94% of the victims were female and only 13%

were over the age of 25. More than half were Black

and the majority were U.S. citizens. Only 17% of sex

trafficking cases involved international victims

(Banks & Kyckelhahn, 2011).

International data on trafficking suggest similar

patterns to the United States data—80% of all

trafficking victims are women and 50% children.

That is, the majority of sex trafficking victims are

women and many female victims are under the age of

18 years. While the United States government has

called for more awareness of the possibility that male

children are being trafficked into the sex industry

(U.S. Department of State, 2008a), research suggests

that girls and young women in impoverished

countries are most likely to be victims of sex

trafficking (Macy & Johns, 2011).

Trafficking Victims Protection Act

The United States has addressed human trafficking

by enacting major legislation intended to prevent

trafficking, prosecute perpetrators and assist victims

of trafficking. The Trafficking Victims Protection Act

(TVPA) was enacted in 2000 and has been

reauthorized several times. Among other policy

statements, the TVPA recognizes survivors of

trafficking as victims of a crime rather than

individuals who are in the United States without legal

permission. TVPA defines trafficking as the

“recruitment, harboring, transporting, provision, or

obtaining of a person for labor or services, through

the use of force, fraud, or coercion for the purpose of

subjection to involuntary servitude, peonage, debt

bondage, slavery or forced commercial sex acts”

(TVPA Section 103[8]).

Whether or not a victim is entitled to services

authorized under the TVPA depends on

that person being “certified” as a victim of human

trafficking by a recognized official. A victim who is

willing to cooperate with law enforcement and whose

presence in the United States is necessary for her

safety and/or prosecution of traffickers can be

“certified” as a victim of trafficking (Bishop, 2003).

Certification entitles the victim to certain federal and

state programs such as Medicaid and food stamps.

However, advocates working with victims of

trafficking report the certification process to be slow

and difficult for victims due to bureaucratic hurdles

related to coordination among multiple agencies such

as law enforcement and immigration (Busch, Fong,

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Heffron, Faulkner, & Mahapatra, 2007).

Once a victim has been certified, he or she may

apply for a T-Visa that allows permanent residency in

the United States. Not only does the T-Visa allow

victims to remain in the U.S. legally, it also provides

a path for future citizenship and promotes family

reunification—it permits victims to apply for a

T-Visa for their children, spouse, parents, and

unmarried siblings under the age of 18

(Busch-Armendariz, 2012). In the HRTS data

presented above, only 90 of the 527 identified victims

were in the United States without immigration

documentation and of that number, 21 received

T-Visas and more than half had paperwork that was

still pending (Banks & Kyckelhahn, 2011).

Sex Trafficking in the United States

The U.S. State Department (2008a) identifies the

United States as a destination country for

international sex trafficking victims because of the

demand for paid sexual services. Indeed, the United

States is thought to be the second largest destination

country behind Germany (Mizus, Moody, Privado, &

Douglas, 2003). In general, international trafficking

victims come to the United States from “source”

countries in Central America, East Asia, Africa,

Eastern Europe, and various other parts of Asia.

Many victims are trafficked through Mexico that is

considered a “transit” country. However, recent

research has suggested that sex trafficking victims

may be more likely to be trafficked from specific

North and Central American countries, primarily

Mexico and El Salvador (Clawson, Dutch, Salomon,

& Grace, 2009; U.S. Department of Justice, 2008b).

Sex trafficking has become a large and profitable

industry. Trafficking generates an estimated US $32

billion according to the International Labour

organisation (ILO, 2005), but the exact amount is

unknown. Although the extent of trafficking is

largely unsubstantiated, the primary reason

trafficking exists is demand (Feingold, 2005; U.S.

State Department, 2011). In particular, the demand

for paid sex, primarily driven by male consumers,

encourages sex trafficking in the United States

(Barry, 1984; Bishop & Robinson, 1998). Victims of

trafficking are often coerced or forced into a

trafficking situation based on poverty and gender

discrimination in developing countries and the

prospect of a better life in more industrialized

countries (Everts, 2003). Globalization and the

demand for paid sex have created a profitable

industry that has become a large source of revenue

for organized crime (U.S. Department of State,

2006).

Victims trafficked for the purposes of sexual

exploitation may be forced to work in brothels,

massage parlors, pornography sites, or other venues.

In some cases, women may be coerced into the sex

industry in order to remain in the country or “to buy

their freedom” (McDonald, 1998). While in many

cases, victims are moved between locations, cities,

and states to avoid detection from law enforcement

(Raymond, Hughes, & Gomez, 2001), trafficking

does not have to include moving victims from one

locality to another.

Impact of Sex Trafficking

Sex trafficking victims may suffer long-term physical

and psychological impacts from their experiences.

Victims are often confined and have little to no

freedom because of constant monitoring by their

traffickers (U.S. Department of Health and Human

Services, 2009). Typically, traffickers provide little

nutritious food, expose victims to dangerous working

conditions, and provide no means to prevent the

spread of infectious disease (Spear, 2004). As a

result, victims experience health problems such as

sexually transmitted infections and urinary tract

infections. As they are frequently exposed to physical

violence, they are also likely to suffer physical

injuries (Raymond & Hughes, 2001). In addition to

health problems, victims of sex trafficking experience

depression, anxiety, posttraumatic stress disorder

(PTSD), and panic attacks (Flowers, 2001; Raymond

& Hughes, 2001). Even years after their rescue,

victims report high rates of depression (Raymond &

Hughes, 2001).

Victim Assistance

Trafficking has received increased attention in recent

years due to several high profile cases and media

exposure in the United States, and the passage of the

Trafficking Victims Protection Act (TVPA) in 2000.

Despite this, there are few agencies that exclusively

serve victims of trafficking although organizations

for assisting trafficking victims continue to emerge

(Shigekane, 2007). After the passage of the TVPA,

the federal government also began to fund victim

assistance programs to meet the needs of victims of

human trafficking; many of the direct services staff in

these programs were social workers or other human

service professionals (Busch-Armendariz et al.,

2008). In areas where these specialized services

existed, once a victim had been rescued and/or

identified, he or she worked with a single-point-of

contact case manager to have his/her needs met

through a variety of other specialized agencies such

as NPOs, law enforcement, medical providers, and

legal agencies (Clawson, Small, Go, & Myles, 2003;

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Busch-Armendariz et al., 2008). At first, victims need

the basic necessities of housing, food, medical care,

and safety (Aron, Zweig, & Newmark, 2006;

Clawson, Small, Go, & Myles, 2003; Busch et al.,

2007; Busch-Armendariz et al., 2008). After basic

needs have been met, victims face a long journey to

rebuild their lives and heal from their victimization.

For example, victims of sex trafficking may need

assistance to process the trauma of sexual abuse

(Human Rights Watch, 1995). Immigrant victims of

sex trafficking also need long-term support that may

include learning English, finding permanent housing

and employment, and eventually reuniting with their

children and other family members (Aron et al.,

2006). Immigrant sex trafficking victims may be able

to legally remain in the United States, but generally

need legal assistance to navigate the immigration

process (Macy & Johns, 2011).

Previous Studies

The majority of literature on human trafficking

focuses on defining the problem, presenting

estimates, and/or calls for increased attention to

trafficking. As previously stated, there have been

very few empirical studies on trafficking (Gozdziak

& Colette, 2005) and even fewer specifically on sex

trafficking (Schauer & Wheaton, 2006). Researchers

face methodological challenges locating victims due

to the hidden nature of the population (Brennan,

2005; Tyldum & Brunovskis, 2005), and thus, few

studies have collected data from victims. However,

recent studies have emerged in which victims of

trafficking have been directly studied (Aron, Zweig,

& Newmark, 2006; Busch et al., 2007;

Busch-Armendariz, et al., 2009; Raymond, Hughes,

& Gomez, 2001).

Raymond, Hughes, and Gomez (2001) conducted

the first interviews with victims of trafficking in the

United States. They interviewed 40 women in the sex

industry and found that 15 women had been

trafficked internationally and 11 women had been

trafficked domestically. The women interviewed had

multiple physical injuries, lacked access to

healthcare, had sexually transmitted infections, and

reported drug use as a means of coping with their

abuse. Furthermore, many of them had also fallen

pregnant as a result of sexual assault. Other studies

have focused on service delivery and the needs of

victims of trafficking (e.g., Aron, Zweig, &

Newmark, 2006). Finally, this current project has

also explored the needs of victims of sex trafficking

through in-depth interviews.

Overall, little research has addressed the long-

term experiences of victims of sex trafficking

(Busch-Armendariz et al., 2013; Busch et al., 2007;

Macy & Johns, 2011; Raymond & Hughes, 2001). To

date, research has not captured the experiences of sex

trafficking victims who are mothers as they re-create

their lives in the United States (Macy & Johns, 2011).

The current study explores the experiences of sex

trafficking victims as both mothers and survivors of

trafficking who are on a path toward restoration.

Method

Interview data from 13 immigrant sex trafficking

victims who are mothers were used to analyze their

experiences, future plans, hopes, and desires as they

attempt to re-build their lives in the United States.

The purpose of this present study is to examine the

experiences of immigrant sex trafficking victim

experiences’ following their rescue. Specific research

questions addressed are (a) what are the experiences

of international sex trafficking victims who are

mothers as they attempt to rebuild their lives in the

United States, and (b) what are the goals and plans of

mothers who are victims of international sex

trafficking?

Data Collection

Data were collected through in-depth face-to-face

interviews with victims. While a case manager or

social worker at an agency that serves human

trafficking victims identified and recruited the

participants, owing to the vulnerability of this group,

special precautions were taken to protect the

anonymity and confidentiality of participants. The

agency case manager ensured that all participants

were 18 and older, had been trafficked into the

United States for the purposes of working in the sex

industry and were able to participate in the interview

without creating psychological distress or

re-victimization. No other demographic or

identifying information was gathered. As many

victims were engaged in legal proceedings and some

may have been involved in cases in the media

spotlight, we did not collect any information that

could be used to identify victims. However, all the

women volunteered the information that they were

mothers in the interview even though they were not

specifically asked a question about motherhood or

had been screened into the sample based on their

status as mothers. We obtained only verbal informed

consent from the victims before participation in the

interview. The study was reviewed and approved by

the Institutional Review Board (IRB) at The

University of Texas at Austin. Interviews consisted

of 10 open-ended questions (see below) that asked

victims about the services they received after rescue.

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Interview Protocol for Victims and Survivors

of Human Trafficking

1. What services did you need initially?

Were these services available? Were

they helpful?

2. Were there services that were not

helpful or not needed? Were there

services or actions that were actually

harmful to you or your situation?

3. What services do you currently need?

Are these services available to you?

4. What makes it difficult for you to

access the services you need?

5. What would make it easier for you to

access needed services?

6. What helped you most during this

process?

7. Would you change anything about the

way services are provided to other

victims of trafficking?

8. What was most challenging for you

about this experience?

9. In your current situation, do you feel

safe?

10. What are your hopes and plans for the

future?

Rescue is a term often used by law enforcement

following a raid or undercover investigation. In this

study, we did not ask specific questions in English or

using a certified translator, about the victims’

victimization or rescue or how they were trafficked

or how they were able to leave; however, the

interview included questions about their future plans.

Victims were interviewed at the offices of an NPO

that offers legal assistance or in the victims’ homes.

Most of the interviews were audiotaped, however,

when a victim did not consent to the interview being

audio-taped or when there were technological

difficulties, interviewers took detailed notes. We

transcribed all audio taped interviews and destroyed

tapes after transcription. Victims were provided with

US$50 as compensation for their time.

Data Analysis

After transcribing the interviews, conventional

content analysis as described by Hsieh and Shannon

(2005) was employed. Due to the lack of existing

theory and literature on sex trafficking, conventional

content analysis is an appropriate analytic design

because it allows themes to flow from the data

(Kondrack & Wellman, 2002; Hsieh & Shannon,

2005). This type of analysis has also been described

as inductive category development (Mayring, 2000)

because researchers analyze the data by labeling

thoughts and statements in the data and then grouping

the data into broader categories.

An iterative process of coding interviews was

employed. In the first step, research team members

read transcripts to allow them to get a sense of the

larger picture of the interviews (Tesch, 1990). After

this initial reading, interviews were open-coded by

research team members meaning that researchers

noted their initial thoughts and impressions (Hsieh &

Shannon, 2005). Research team members then met to

discuss their initial coding and to compare results.

The transcripts were then revisited and codes were

grouped into themes before research team members

met again to compare results. The themes identified

were specific to the victims’ current experiences and

future goals and these themes were selected for

inclusion in this paper.

Limitations of the Study

The study utilized a non-probability convenience

sample and, therefore, the findings are not

generalizable to all trafficking victims. In addition,

our participants are limited to women (who are also

mothers) from other countries and who were

trafficked for sexual exploitation into the United

States. Nonetheless, the findings from this study are

significant, and break ground with regard to our

understanding of the needs of human trafficking

victims and how they think about their futures. The

results have both practice and policy implications for

practitioners, leaders, and anti-trafficking advocates.

Results

Although the questionnaire focused on services the

victims had received, we also asked victims about

their future plans. Through that question, participants

spoke openly and extemporaneously about their lives

in America, their children and families, and their

faith. Three main themes emerged from the

interviews regarding the victims’ identities as they

moved from victimization to restoration: their

families’ future, hope for reunification with their

children and commitment to extended family and

their faith. Each gives vigor, strength, and ability to

endure past abuse and trauma and keep an eye toward

what hope and promise lies ahead.

Theme 1: Focus on the Future of their Families

Each victim commented on her hope for the future

and her plans for the future. Although they had

experienced severe sexual violence and trauma, the

victims were focused on rebuilding their lives. In

many cases, their goals were centered on their

children and this focus helped them to move from

victimization to restoration. The 13 victims expressed

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their desire to stay in the United States so that their

children would have more opportunities than they

would have had in their home countries. One victim

said “I want to make my life here and give my son a

future here, for him to study here.” When speaking

about her son, another victim expressed her desire “to

see him graduate and become a doctor or something

big.” In another case, a victim explained that she felt

her future was really focused on her son and his

goals. She stated “Maybe I am wrong, but I just think

I am too old to reach my goals and I am just focusing

on (my son).”

Although their hopes for the future were

grounded in their children, the women were also

eager to obtain stable employment and learn English.

One victim stated “[my] goal right now is to work; to

work and to learn English because it is very

necessary.” Various victims also expressed a desire

to buy a house, to get a GED, to assist family

members to come to the United States, and to earn

enough money to visit their family in their home

country. There was a general sentiment among the

victims that hard work was necessary to survive in

the United States. One victim stated “I think that here

in this country one of the things you need to survive

is to have bravery, to be brave in order to do what

you have to do.”

Theme 2: Hope for Reunification and Continued

Commitment to Family

Thinking about a future for their young children

contributed to their decision to originally re-locate to

the United States although, at the time, none of the

participants anticipated that they would be victimized

and trafficked. After their rescue, motherhood seems

to have driven them forward as they attempted to

rebuild lives in the United States. In general, four

victims reported a painful separation from their

children during their victimization and a

responsibility as a mother to focus on building a new

life in the United States despite their pain and

victimization.

In terms of reunifying with their children, five

victims expressed their desire and determination to

bring their children to the United States, as well as

their determination to achieve this goal helped them

to survive. At the time of this study, most of the

participants’ children remained in their home

countries despite their eligibility to reunite with their

mothers in the U.S. One participant talked about her

survival: “I think that during that time, the only thing

I needed was to bring my son home [to the US].”

Another stated that “All I have to do now is wait for

my daughter.”

For those victims who did not yet have their

children with them, supporting their families in their

countries of origin was both a concern and a source

of their motivation. Two participants talked about

their worry about not having enough money to send

for continued support of their family members.

Because many of the victims were motivated to leave

their home countries to support their families, there

was a feeling of continued responsibility to be the

main supporter. One victim said:

One of the things that frustrated me in the

beginning was that I didn’t have anything to send

my son. I have a six-year old son in (home

country) with my mother. So that frustrated me a

lot—to have food, a place to sleep and a good roof

and not be able to send money home. Because that

is the reason I came here. Right? But now that I

have my money and I organize my monthly

spending, I decide what I am going to buy, what I

pay and how much I send home. I feel better. I feel

like I am advancing more.

Theme 3: Strength from Faith

Most participants had experienced several forms of

abuse ranging from physical abuse and rape to

emotional abuse. Despite experiencing high levels of

trauma, these victims exhibited an extraordinary level

of resiliency, especially in their confidence in

personal strength and functioning. Faith played an

important role in providing inner strength and the

ability to survive and succeed for some of the

women. Besides being a source of comfort in times

of crises for some victims, religious faith is critical in

promoting tenacity and helping victims of trauma to

conquer adversities (West, 2006; Weaver, Flannelly,

Garbarino, Figley, & Flannelly, 2003). Church and

other religious places helped them connect with

others in the community and expand their social

circle. Women found these contacts to be

instrumental in providing them with various kinds of

material, emotional, and moral support. Their

narratives communicated the strong influence

religion, faith and belief systems had on

strengthening motivation to cope and recover. In one

victim’s case, a priest was responsible for rescuing

the woman from her trafficker. The victim explained

how her belief in God and prayer helped her forgive

her subjugator and, thus, move on with her life. She

explained “Now I cover everything with prayer. I

cover everything. I carry it to God. I pray about the

children [of the trafficker] because the children loved

me so much. I pray even for the man. I forgive him.”

In addition to the strength they derived from their

faith, services from faith-based organizations assisted

the women in establishing their lives in the United

States. Some victims received assistance in the form

of food, clothing, and other household items from

churches to settle comfortably into their new homes.

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One victim shared how a church member gave her

essential items for her apartment. She said “she was

from a church that I was attending, she gave me some

things that other people had given her. So she gave

them to me, and among those things was a bed.”

Two victims expressed some doubt about their

ability to survive in the United States. They found

comfort in knowing that advocates with their local

trafficking coalition would be available to help them.

The victims were generally very grateful for the help

that advocates gave them, especially as they set out

on their own. One victim stated “I feel like I always

had the intention of being independent to move on

my own, but I always knew that if I got a little stuck,

that I could count on (coalition advocates) to get me

out, that I could call them and tell them.”

Discussion

After an extensive review of the literature on services

for sex trafficking victims, Macy and Johns (2011)

called for specific research on the needs of parents

who are sex trafficking victims. The results of the

current study provide insight into the experiences of

sex trafficking victims who are mothers. Our research

found that mothers who are sex trafficking victims

face many challenges in re-creating their lives after

being rescued and many of these challenges relate to

their roles as mothers in transnational families.

Overall, their experiences as mothers served as

inspiration that facilitated their emotional restoration.

Transnational Mothers

As there is so little research on sex trafficking victims

who are mothers, the research available on

transnational families is helpful in placing the

experiences of these mothers into a broader context.

Transnational families are families separated by

geographical borders (Orozco, 2006). The concept of

“transitional motherhood” in the context of gender,

political and social inequalities has been explored by

Parreñas (2001). Transnational mothers leave their

children behind in their country of origin and endure

a lengthy separation from their children to pursue

opportunities to strengthen the family

(Hondagneu-Sotelo & Avila, 1997; Parreñas, 2001;

Zontini, 2007). Transnational motherhood removes

mothers from their children’s daily activities and

thus, contradicts the normative role of mothers in the

United States (Hondagneu-Sotelo & Avila, 1997).

After a sex trafficking victim is rescued and the

element of exploitation is removed from her life, she

continues to struggle with the transnational

separation of her children and family.

The cause of separation that families endure in

transnational migration is similar to the causes of sex

trafficking—economic and gender inequality.

Separations in transnational families cause immense

strain for both the mother and child (Foner & Dreby,

2011). Parenting and discipline issues are a struggle

for mothers who rely on family members to provide

the day-to-day care of their children (Dreby, 2010).

Children may demonstrate significant stress due to

the separation (Parreñas, 2005) and tend to do poorly

in school (Kandel & Massey, 2002). Even once these

families are reunited, there are long-term impacts on

the parent-child relationship (Foner & Dreby, 2011).

Parents, such as those in our study, may experience

feelings of guilt and worry about their child’s

acculturation into a new environment.

While the issues faced in transnational families

are similar to the experiences of sex trafficking

victims who have been rescued, family problems may

be exacerbated due to the mother’s trauma and lack

of acculturation. Although the women in our study

did not reveal specific instances of trauma impacting

motherhood, they did express fears about how their

lack of acculturation into the U.S. may impact their

effectiveness as parents. For instance, mothers

reported being worried about how their children

would adjust, where they would find resources for

their child, and how they would enroll their children

in school. Unlike other transnational mothers, sex

trafficking victims may not have the time in the U.S.

to get settled before their children join them.

Transnational Mothers as “Breadwinners”

Regardless of whether or not the mothers in the

present study had been reunited with their children,

there was a clear sense that they felt responsibility for

providing for their children and families. Oftentimes,

families are separated by migration based on the idea

that the separation will ultimately have a positive

impact on their family (Dreby, 2010). In the case of

international sex trafficking victims, the desire for

economic stability may result in a young woman

trusting a trafficker. With the promise of providing

financially for their families lost during the

trafficking captivity, the victims appear to feel

enormous pressure to provide money for their

families.

After their rescue, and while they were still

separated, the mothers were remitters who regularly

sent money back home to their children and other

dependents. One mother even indicated that she

would go without food until she had sent money back

to her family. Her statement is consistent with

remittance literature which states that transnational

parents strive to meet all their children’s material

Faulkner et al. / International Perspectives in Victimology 7 (2), 46-55

The Press

needs even if it means depriving themselves of food

(Abrego, 2009; Coe, 2008; Parreñas, 2001).

Once their children joined them in the United

States, mother’s concerns shifted to successfully

raising their children in a new environment. Like

many immigrant families, they desired to improve

their family through their child’s education (Dreby,

2010). While the mothers did have personal goals

such as finding and sustaining employment,

completing a GED, and learning English, their

primary focus was on the wellbeing and advancement

of their children.

Policy and Practice Implications

Despite the limitations of this study, the findings

support the idea that there are unique needs of

victims of international sex trafficking who are

mothers. The study of immigrant sex trafficking

victims who are mothers has important implications

for policy makers and volunteer organizations.

Victims of sex trafficking need a safe environment as

they have been subjected to extreme abuse, including

bondage, physical violence, sexual assault and rape,

and emotional abuse at the hands of the traffickers.

Safety, therefore, should be a primary concern with

regard to policies and assistance to victims of

trafficking.

While victims of sex trafficking may share many

of the challenges experienced by transnational

parents, they have unique needs based on their

trafficking experiences. As mothers, victims of

trafficking may be particularly concerned about the

protection of their families, health care, and day care

(Busch-Armendariz, Nsonwu & Heffron, 2011).

Policy makers must be aware that an immigrant

trafficking survivor does not exist in isolation.

Rather, she is likely a mother and a member of a

family that depends on her for financial support and

emotional guidance. Based on the difficulties of

separation, policy and practice should respond

quickly to reunite families both for safety and

emotional reasons.

While focus of research has been on the

immediate impact of trafficking, greater focus should

be on long-term coping—the experiences of

immigrant sex trafficking victims as they heal over

time. Greater understanding is also needed to explore

the experiences of their children as they reunite with

their mothers and what might be done to help their

extended families.

Received 1 March 2013; accepted 15 June, 2013; published

online 30 August 2013.

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Additional information

Throughout this manuscript, survivors of human trafficking may be

referred to simply as “victims” for narrative efficiency and in

recognition of their crime victimization. However, it should be

noted that all victims of human trafficking have survived a

horrifying combination of physical and emotional abuse, trauma,

and financial distress. The term victim is not meant in any way to

be demeaning or judgmental nor is it meant to label these women.

We honor the journey that each woman has made and how she

chooses to speak about it.

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